^^^< 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


^ 


^ 


A 


A 


f/. 


% 


!.0 


1.1 


■50  ""^~ 

<^  i:36    K 

u  iiii 

^  1^ 


2.5 


2.2 


2.0 


L25  IIII  1.4 


lllim 
1 


1.6 


V] 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)872-4503 


1 


m 


\ 


^v 


^ 


4 


<i^ 


l/.A 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiquM 


c\ 


.*» 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notes  tachniques  at  bibliographiquas 


Thai 
toth 


Tha  Instltuta  hat  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturas  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  usual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


D 

D 
D 
D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couvartura  da  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagia 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restauria  et/ou  pellicul4a 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


pn    Coloured  maps/ 

r~1    Coloured  inic  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 

I — I   Coloured  plataa  and/or  illustrations/ 


Cartas  giographiquas  an  couiaur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue 

Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plataa  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  an  couleur 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reiii  avnc  d'autras  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  Interior  margin/ 

La  re  Mure  serrie  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distorsion  le  long  de  la  marga  Intftrieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  tha  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissant  dans  la  taxte. 
mais,  lorsqua  cela  itait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  iti  f  ilmies. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppiimentaires; 


L'it;stitut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exempiaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Las  details 
de  cet  exempiaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  imago  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqute  ci-dessous. 


0 

D 
D 
0 


D 


0 
D 
D 
D 
D 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pagea  da  couiaur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagAas 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restauries  et/ou  pellicuiies 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dicoiories,  tacheties  ou  piquies 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachies 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  print  varies/ 
Qualiti  inigala  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprand  du  mat6rial  supplimentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure. 
etc.,  ont  it€  film6es  A  nouveau  de  fa^on  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


ThH 
posa 
of  til 
filmi 


Orig 
begi 
thai 
sion 
othfl 
first 
sion 
or  ill 


The 
shal 
TINI 
whii 

Mar 
diffi 
enti 
bag 
righ 
raqi 
mat 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


1UA 


i>>A 


99V 


12X 


16X 


20X 


'mX 


aox 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  hea  been  reproduced  thank* 
to  the  generoaity  of: 

Dougia*  Library 
Quean's  University 

ThH  imagea  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
poaaibCa  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  Iceeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specif icationa. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illuatrated  Impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illuatrated  Impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

IVIaps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  framea  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


L'exemplaire  film*  f ut  reprodult  grice  *  la 
g*n*rositi  da: 

Douglas  Library 
Queen's  University 

Les  Images  suivantes  ont  *t*  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soln,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettet*  de  l'exemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformit*  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
fllmage. 

Lea  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  ImprlmAe  sont  filmto  en  commen^ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'Impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Toua  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  fllmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'Impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
dernlAre  Image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN  ". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff6rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reprodult  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  f  limA  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArleur  gauche,  de  gauche  h  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'Images  nAcessalre.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
lliustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

-m^f^' 


I  , 


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^/r- 


CHABAC^iR,  CAUSES,  it®  »MP» 


■iftp: 


THE  JPB£SiiNT%jyi. 


I-M?r- 


***  "••i^^fl^"*'^^^ , 


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sicoifD  iri«(|TOir.$^l 


#tfti'»»W*-'- 


FipU8«Bl»  Bt  EJUW«#K,  KJ^IK  AMD  CT.j  WMfllftrANO 


i%ri-  3m«flMw»  J^yfe'"'^ 


.1115* 


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'=>*ft        ;^y. 


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♦  ***i.f  .  f^'-  's 


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wna  BUMS'  o^-^||iM&*  >''^VkSfr^i''B)fjiMo 


Jt^'^*'^'-^'---^-... » 


-"ll 


^*^'; 


PBEPACE. 


^ijn 


Ik  a  free  covaAxj^  it  is  ^€j^i^#^^  ^n^ 
to  examine^  mid  to  jii^  ib^^ai^s -dll^ 
vei?Biiient  Wii^is  every  ^  |si](«^i^^o^  ef 
equal  ^ta  with  anotheiilhe^fi^  t^^ 
c^Oie  publki  their  perwoiil  q^ialitiifis,  and  thek  vf- 
&^^Dduci,  33%  of  course  proper  ]OJt|jeets^  m^ 
a»#pieraon.  If  ma^fetrntes  ate  loii«^  J^cient  |n 
talents  or  ^integnty,  tl»y  are  unfi|  Iw  4h^  i^l^^n; 
and  if  their  ^cial  deportment  BboA#  piro?#  i^Ur 
rlous  lo  the  comrnonw^altfa^  the  eiid  af  #eJHr  elevar 
tion^  not  answered,  a«4  they  should^  #  #|irpe,  bt 
disntlBied  from  their  «fl||^oymej)thy>t||^|i(g^  over 
wboBflr  ^  miworth^y  r^e.    J^^^g^^ 

Ijiiadidfttes  fiir  power,  i^liBy^^S^j^^^^^ 
is  free^  and  any  0lie»  who  chooses  to  be  ^  tti^  tmu* 
ble  or  expense,  m^^yi^  his  opinions,  98  ^1  af 
^ly  express  thein  in  the  clr^  of  Jiis  ^n|^ 
frfends.  As  this  liberty  is  itnftmail,  no  il^iati 
t\^  U  cofnplain  of  Jib  ergoy  naei^  ^  exeiiOw  1^ 
anolfteRt  IW  the  mi^lf  r^  indeed,  in  which  a  pepv 
son  sees  proper  either  t©  speak  or  to  wrib.  he  L 
amenable,  accordmg  to  the  l^ws  of  courte^  and  of 
equity,  to  the  proper  tribunals  in  chrjli^pd  life,    Thr  , 


*•*; 


'h 


^'    '>' 


1 


ft  • 


rtUBTJioK 


I 


•^^'Jl-^TLrSe  PMtie.  contend  in  the  stnfe  of 


WJ". 


i.. 


-  iyf  s«  iM  ^ificotirses  i«>w  laid  bcfortr 

^1  ^^itlii-^^tsi^  not.  In  the  ie^s*  "®5'''  '      .       ^^     ^^ 

??SSJ^S«Swon  ^-'^'^^ 
iM  power,  «"°'Y^rP^ta  ft*  ttie  «.ke  of  serV* 
k  J4Ut  wiltW&f'tJft  lana,  that  IfiaTe  »*""    f^ 

^^H    ^^3  ao.lwdttld  bat*  though  and 
hold  flie  sceptre,  than  »  ao^  tftecisely  a«  I 

tiavedone- 

.■M,r-»  addressed  to  christif.iB,  *«*» 
Tftiiiip  sermons  were  aaorew«="  •i.ijwiiiw 

-^•!!^lii  to  their  tise.  they  are  pnncipaJiy 

™ectable  numsters  of  relij^n         ^^^.^^^^e^a. 
i^  the  ineiBUresoigo«eTnnH5,i.i  ».~;-^---- 


WP^P?iP* 


„ipnnjjtiijl|i.im.  l^^^ijm 


*•- 


/>4 


SREFAOC 


a»  tiriiel.  Mi  ?u««nrav<*|4,  S^^  the  P»«^!}* 

appeal  to  «tin«.  These  iJipJ^ioit  ri^wed  long  be- 
!w«  the  pi^lk  wUhoianPOIs|«<**caoi)j  JBd  it  ^)^ 
pcaffid,  feom  tl)e  activity  ^f  their  vai|thor|^  ai^# 
silenced  others,  as  if  4h«^  i^?^  tinG»i<i^  c^  % 
fatation*  It  was  l)ecoming  a  genipl  ^^^^^  ^ 
ihe  clergy  and  the  church  ^irere,  on  tlie^  gwai  que** 
iiott  belwiBen  the  Unite<t:^^fr>ai||  finfi^m^  Jl^On 
t^  8|^#  0f  ik^  enm^}^l00^J^  Pm^ 

#8couragea;  tt»eir  per^fl«|j|^fg^^ 
pi^yers^  were  a|fectea%i|pl^li:^^^^  ^hen 
(wur  mv(  «ity  was  w^4f^  ilfe^l^f*^ W^" 
41^t^  jwasioiv  so  great  w^\t%  f9r^.,.Ql'j,P5ejudice, 
ft5l^  iPSny  ««»  9i  *«^Wi«ent  piety  d^U^d.  whe- 
ther •*e|^;|:oirfd  joiDT  together  in  pvayeiv  ff^  cwrag$ 
i^  jm^  ,^arrwrs,  and  success  io  pur  arip^ampis^  ^ 
ord^rip  procure  a  speed^jf,  m  l^ow^^hlf,  umMJ^ 
mmmt  peace,  I  beheld  with  al^rjw,  the  «3^t^n^fl 
tJi^^viJ  of  rparty  spirit,,,!  TieWfdit.^  a  iu%[»^ 
ft-fltgi  .tba.l4Qrd,;,aiid I, bei^me  %rf^  cloudfi 


of  V. hie.  ipdignation  mu^t  ihickm  ai^Mt^|,us-r-^^t 
i^  Jaan4  |»f  the  eijenoy^  and  a  ]^pg,c9P^ipuaip  <^ 
c^aroily  would  beqon^  neces^dn  diving  Pro- 
ifidplice  Jp  effect  fthe  nnapiaiity,  withow^  which,  | 
am  ^ui  ^prehensive,  we  slwll  not  succeed  iii  pi^^- 
ting  an  end  to  the  contest.  I  am  persuaded,  ih^t  U 
requires  no  more  than  a  display  of  unanimity  in 
i^sisTiNo  A^GGREssioN,  to  procure  at,  any  tin^  an 
JiCMwrabJ^  peace.  "^hiW  the  e^^y ,  exp^ctiS  tp  ^ 
Yid^JK^fhouldiie  seek  to  con^akt^I.  ,        . 

Tfbe  principles  which  I  have  lai^  dow%  and^- 
forced  in  these  sermonf,  are  not,  liowever,  o*  mere 


I,*  .: 


'*' ,' 


VftSrACE. 


tempofaiy  int«refit.  Whether  in  peace,  or  at  war, 
ihey  nn  of  imporlance  to  a  christian  commumt^r. 
They  are  the  pamtftneal  4>iiocl|U«B  of  social  order 
and  public  equity.  If  the  work  contained  a  sin- 
1^  sentimeiit  <tf  irrel%ious  or  irtunoral  tendency, 
I  would  cheerfully  co^i^n  it  to  the  flames.  I 
love  mankind,  I  love  the  country  of  my  choice,  I 
love  the  saints;  fnd.  I  "desire  to  promote  the^  helt 
SuterestH  of  true  rellgjdn  and  of  civil  liberty,  be^ 
midb  I  love  tby  God. 


•i^ 


^;t 


M'' 


•!^-./-V?" 


m' 


■  I'l.  .  -gr'^. 


:-K 


iitvi'5'. 


>i  »:■  1^  ;if' 


'■  iff. 


ro  r^jB  aEcoND  sdetion. 


Tfill  demand  for  this  work;  Jar  exceeded  tto 
calculaf ions  di  the  Author,  tfe  Vfs  of  course  9oip- 
pelled,  in  order  to  supply  g]|l|^H|M^,  to  puil^ 
another  edition.  The  arr^ngeijient^hjch  he  |^d6 
with  the  printers  for  the  Wrsl  edition  i^ere^  also  i^ 
some^degree  inaccurate.  He  was  under  tlie  necessii^ 
of  withholding  from  the  press,  for  want  of  room, 
some  passages  towaids  the  ciose  of  the  work.  These, 
although  tbey  do  tiot  materially  affect  the  argtl- 
ment,  are  restored  in  this  edition. 


The  author  avails  himself  of  this  opportunity 
congratulating  his  readers  upon  the  happy  return  of 
the  desired  peace.  Long  may  we  enj<^,  with  grati- 
tude to  our  God,  its  numerous  blessings.  Jts  terms 
are  liberal  and  just.  No  false  principle  is  admitted: 
no  right,  on  either  side,  is  violated.  The  enemy,  had 
he  been  inclined  to  peace,  might  have  had  the 
same  terms,  at  any  hour  since  the  commencement 
of  hostilities :  and,  if  he  had  seen  proper  to  prolong 
the  contest  for  years,  it  is  not  probable  he  could 
have  realized  his  first  demands  at  Ghent.  Had 
he  speedily  met  our  commissioners  with  a  spirit  of 
equity  and  conciliation,  he  might  have  spared  us 
som^  blood  and  treasure :  and  he  would  have  saved  for 


^1  ADVERTISEMENT. 

to«elf««.*ofboth.a,well.B.thatwWchktoh^^^^^^ 

™,at  importance-^  mUUarn  renam.    »«»"»»'■ 
&itotherw«e.    The  angel  of  the  covenant  who 
BOtwithstanding  our  iniquities.  P^"***'   '"  T^",^ 
Z.r  the  destinies  of  our  free  and  ^appy  >«nd  l^d 
decreed,  that  the  enemy  should  send  hu  veleram. 

STthe  Atlantic.  «"»' t'!«\t"'rthe  J'oT  f 
for  the  purpose  of  transferring  them  to  the  brow  ot 
XScanLoes.  who  fought  and  conquered  .n  vm- 
S^of  the  injured  rights  of  the^^eountry^J^ 
theooncludingblowof  the  war  we  ^^f'&^ 
lee  that  our  «rfu»ai  rights  Aall  not  agam  be  raahly 
fa^ad^d.    Thebattle  of  Orleans  cminot  be  forgoHen. 
wSfwe  live  to  enjoy  the  benefits  ^^^^ 
tton.  and  hold  in  honourable  rec^ectmn  the  deeds 
rfie^ldier,  let  us  be  grateful  t»m«.  whog<»>e 
tuZeto  Jrvarriors  and  mem  %  o-r  «r«««e«b. 
Tfe  as  seemed  to  himself  both  wise  and  good. 
^tkc  Lard  fvithfear,  «»d  rgmce  mth  trembbng. 
Be  mdkHk  tv»s  to  etasc  unto  the  e^  if  tht  tarlK 
New-Tork,  March  I,  lil5- 


pp 


mi^mwf 


.  (■■/*.••  till* 


mscouRsss, »« 


«.* 


\^^ 


AmuM^  mid^mntif  AmmpQ  Umiit  seir$  S/^fimJllKI^ 

U»»0i^^u  Jloek ;  ma^  ike  l^fdmid  anlii  Mli  ^ 

1rii£  iRtfij«et,  n^i^b  I  propose  for  diaeuMdon  iDft 
series  of  discourses  to  be  delivered  on  ibis  fiout  of 
the  Lord's  da^r,  has  always  been  considered  as  1/- 
iiij|<ra^(^tbe  eomiiKH»rotfltoe  of  p^j^  exhibHiili ; 
a^ra^B  i«Kyreovep»  by  tome,  been  Tieired  «i  aHegi* 
tfaer  without  the  Md  in  ^i^iichiiiinisterg  eve  mppoiOk' 
ed  to  kbour.  I,  of  ooiarsei  4ft  the  conmieiiGemeiii  of 
my  remerks  on  the  present  state  of  our  publiB  el> 
£sdrs,  anticipate  from  a  judicious  audience  the  qu«i^ 
t|on  once  addreseed  to  our  Saviour,  although  I  am 

2 


w 


THE  l^lOHT  0»  iBiiCnSSlKO 


If. 


confident  1*  will  be  proposed  in  quite  a  dlSeretit 
ipnii  flora  that  which  infWenced  the  Jewish  iul^^ 
3y  rblatauihorUy  doest  thott  these  ikingsf  and  wh^ 
gave  thee  this  avihfntyf* 


U- 


Piih 


"It  is  a  wide  space,  christians,  that^  separates  the 
line  of  coiduct  which  would  subject  ♦, '6  public  mi- 
nistry of  the  church  to  the  opinions  of  men,  from 
that,  which  treats  with  contiBm|)t  the  sentittients  of  t 

|ii-eS(|)ectable  pan  of  the  community^     Virtus  est  wf- 
iMih  mimm4    Thbugh  f  #511  not  be  M^ftedb^ 

Ijk^pmir  ojwaibi^^  frorir  pfoseculiiig  M^  ftufcjcd^  1 
*yt  Itiiiy  dtilfftjir^jrf^ith  telid^^  ttUd  eve« 
r^ct,  th^  prey«4i^i  ^f  ><»h»abl6  men*  ^^m^ 
fdre  ao  i  ^efefce  a  dii^iWi^ii  irhfch  ttiay  1m  $  cer^ 
tlifta  i^iie  be  ierrtfed  pdt«iwii,  #Stll  «i  esiW bltitm  of 
tiie  authority  un«ter  wMch/  iil-^^s  InsiMiflei  i  act. 
Far  be  it  from  me  to  asiert  the  right  of  ensta?ing 
#^iiMlr«f  itty*h#am«^ifeto  passiw  cb««©ii*^ 
dsieeiddl^l  <^iffl8 ,- lift^ 'i^jIJ^  *  ^n  audienc©, 

vrt«feh%tt|h^'l^  %e  %«ao»#^d  wHh  chrfstlaw  diBcerK- 
it!«fit,  by  ail  effijrt  at  broW^beatii^  the  mosihumbfo 
«f  niyi^Udw-nben.  'Myupologf  ia  found  in  the  wowfe 
il  .^mos  the  prdphel. 


*;,,.?.( 


Some^spf^natioil  is  flecesssry  to  con^^reheod  till 
t^eti  fji  my^teK.  Tlie  writer  wasw  nRtif?e  «f  Ta* 
ktid)  a  smaM  ttt^rt  ftdjiciefil?  tfr  the  wiWerness  of  Jtt* 
Ml  Here  W|>assed  hiia^arly  yeats,  in  a^ndiig 
kii  flocks,  atid  in  gatbe^i]^  ki  its  season,  ^  Dgyp^ 


*  Mark  si.  2«. 


t  Ctoeio. 


<«vjiMiCi.4^rvAift|. 


■W 


aa9%,  leoQimanl^  called.  i«^«^<>re/ntf^.Ji|j^h»g 
jMstpi^l  1^  Amos,  pkkUff  aiidrifiJ^Uig^nl^.^^^^ 
ilrtjiaiipf  Mmi^ticity  w^c^i  Is  iui^ciill^vr«s8ed/%  )^ 
faaddious  distuietions  of  raoiee  j^li^d  !»^iety,  ^ 
did  not  belong  to  the  legularly  authorized  instruc- 
tors 6I,^>«  cburcb,  nor  was  be  edui:aJe^io  their  tbeo- 
logical  schools,  mither  a  proph^  ^or  dpr€^h^'s^  sqn  j 
huts»  before  be  entered  upon  bis  public  work,  he  had 
more  i  than  ?a»  equivalent  %*  systematic  study,  find 
ordinary  kiductios  into  titfiici^^  bf  wa9  divi«ely  caj^d 
and  qualified  by>  liispiration,  f^r  an  ^«iM"a<»'diflaff 
tnisffliiH)^  to  the  apo8t«tl9ii/ng  t^be/i  of  IssCS^^U  JIf  f^p 
«ftikd  4o  the  prophetic  o%e  wb«n  tl^  kingclpin  ^ 
Ifae-  l«n  tribes  was  in  its  utmoist  splendour  and  pQ)?^r 
msi  tinder  the  second  Jeroboaiiv  upwards  of  i^ 
iHindred  and  ^y^  years  after  its  election*  ujsider  ^ 
i^ist  king  of  the  ss^e  name.  ^ 


"ik' 


^W  tbrose  of  ia^l  bad  j^eo  reoioired  t<i,3a^ii«- 
iM!94>at  stilt  ^die^kif^  maintained  a  c<xi|rt  and  a  pilr 
ke•^^ftweU  as  a  royal  ^h^>el«al  Betbel,(t  cityj)ec:r 
deirkafg  upon  tbe  kit^dam  of  Judabi  no^  m  wkkk 
the  first  Jeroboain  bad  establ^ied  the  worship  of 
the  golden  calf  for  the  purpose  of ,  preventing  the 
Israelites  from  returning  to  the  altar  at  Jerusalem. 
TMimmy  aiicceasful  ipsmgent,  a  despisejc  hiinj^lf  of 
the  wcrship  of  the  tTue  i^iQ^  was  an  observer  of  ^uon^ 
nalme  andoChuzrtaiipMJwdicea,  ai>d  wettunderstojad 
Umi  lo^ortance  of  >  sopae  ^fojrm  ^  religmq,  (jD^hetbii' 
l^e  4lr  ffdset  vi^li^Mn  iiDinalfipAl^  a|  au  ec^pla^^ 
state  policy   and  be  made  no  serwoles  to  emolov  M 


■.**''. 


Ir^ 


12 


THE  Riimiot  tmmmjiG 


^i 


roi«i»d  by  #H  tlie  tribes  w  tb^  jo^ie,ol4iie  twdartifc 
aWe  Tisioa  cf  4bev  ^tiier  Jao(^,  w^  contiimeil 
ai^  ^nci|ialf%b|jf  derctson,  and  decomted  tri^ 
a  royal  «otirti  an  t>pulent.hierardiy,  and  a  iplendid 


■t^' 


:'  -^i : 


».  WbcB  Amos  the  propel  vkitodr ^4i«iiie  direc. 
t^D,  Ibia^ity,  Ainaziah  was  at  tbe^httd  of  4be  reM- 
#^  estaiblisbed  by  law,  and  injyreat  fayow^w^  the 
€#url'And  tbev  Icing.i  ResentiDg  tbc^  ifeedom  wkb 
i^^bkti  ibe  miiifeteriof  tiie  Iiord  tpuckeduponlberal- 
£i^  of  ^ate^^Amamb  accused  Amos  of  tmaso^l 
^gMttst  lewlmdi^  iiiid  M^i«^  him  out  of  the  kiBf, 
d&m.  The  wfaid^  (caM  ii^^  rcprosenied  in  lbi&  cbapteK 
from  the  8tb  T)ei«ei  rts>m  f^  ,^ 

^ AliMw  hi^  denoimcdl  #9tfa  the  i-eligion  apd  o|o- 
tetwaefi*  of  Israel^  and:  ^predicted  their  dolvnCd^ 
^ftrse  a  The^mmvariti  tf  Isradshamim  laid  rmsi^ 


(.  t  ^ 


Ji''»*< 


'■«  i 


■■■H-^i: 


The  ^Wef'^Hest  <tf  the  prevalent  idolatry  wa^ 
al»rmedat  this  uncdi'»^ly  interference  with  the  dainiB 
etf  m^e^y,  iind  became  hims^  the  informer,  *ense 

*«*^  fhekiiig^fj8rad^4ayiKgfAmi^  haih  eoms^ni 
$gmm  tkBt  in.  ^  miM  ef  ik$  house  if  il^ga^ 
kmdis  nUMeiohOf  aU his  nfords^         m^^.^:cy^ ,, 


A'- 


'Mnjam^ 


13 


WinttMrinttlhMiiw*  fejr  &»  B^  «.  n«^  ^.^-^ 
l»o«^  to  iM*«l  the  piaphBfc  to.p»e,ob  ,D-  ««; 

m«nArmt«MhKUg^  in  puWic.  4opic».<rf  discwBbn 
soever  a  proper  occasion  pwseirte*«i«lft 


a^tmd  our  Jand  is  «H*  an  occasion,  ft  fefe* 
wpon  our  aitantion  a  pmeticd  ,ueationi  wliid,  — 
«««<^e«li»ly  evade.,. a„«ve*«hi.  war  mv*»,» 
onginated,  rt  fe  a  fact  that  it  exists,  and  tbaZS^ 
Its  pressure.  Thiscity  is  threatened,  and, m«y™^ 
ofour^u^t.7  a«  al-^ady  invaded  by  a  poJrf„l 

foe.  Ow^husbMidmen  are  called  off  fow.th..«ulti. 
«tjon  of  tteir  fe,ld,fc.«,dv  om  «low*iti««„fa,2 

U»»»  several  CHm«pation%.i,«der.to  l*  traiwsd  te 
WV  airf^at,  th«risfc,«f  their  K«s  ,to,idefe«iifc^ 
hp>««.  ©orson.,««rb»ther«^a«,onrtob«^T: 
brethren  m  Christ.  wh0  bans  «i,A,m,titt^13^ 


.i.»ie.  ID  orter  to  partaie  with  us  in  the  solemnities 


14 


THE  SlW»#r,|pifpj[ssi«i 


d^  no  (J«  rtate  of  thing,  {^„t  fa,  chrisUam, 

SIS' S^^^T ''"^'^'^  «•«* 

«Lh     MfecUoa,,  awlto  jke  p,^  »W«b  they  ow* 
fe^ttem,  whA)  they  bmfe  the  J««er.  bo  b^ 

w^roa^fusa  to^knoH.edg^  tb«n  at  reiriiliir  m««^ 
be^f  U^  «h„^h,pf  G<«i*o,^Sto«^ 
«^iMOB  «.«en«h«  h.»P«worthHy  hired Lm 

^WW-a  to  •upp.frt.it;  h„t  iJ8P  th»se  who  do  S 

«•  w^ft,  HMttr  exjrtjog  pirconMancee,  upon  the 
to  »rt.  oqr  r^sht  ,f  mti^dmmg  it  into  the  Mtoft 


tJiittc  JirpAm, 


bristians  n 

Jhould  mat 

our  Lord 


t  together 
ho  mureli 
cmt$,  and 


withJllttW 
botb  our 
M.a£ter. 
Jarweinr 

^•oinjier 
^dtbeiir}. 

ootpnlir 
<io  «ip^ 


■  ¥ 


sideling 

ponliie 

M'a(fa«ir 

imlpit 


jm  ikose  poHHeal  questiani^  mkkh  t^ai  €kri$iim 
fwiu 


m§- 


I  pfore  this  right— and  remote  oMeetionr 
I.  Prone  thai  we  have  such  right, 

^Tbe  object  to  be  accomplished  by  our  iniiHSti^- 
^  scnptuial  hi8tory-^The  synteiu  of  sacrerf  4^1 
dretion-.Aml  the  precepts  wMcb  we  are  <^oniii^ 
ttoned  to  expound,  are  \\i^  sdiircels  of  argUirifent  td 
fTteh  I  t^^it  you  ih  support  of  tbiii  claiito  of 
rigbt.  ■ '  -■^-v''  '■  ■      =■■■-.•.  -■«.:.:,  ■  ^ 


■i*v>'. 


.*  «-. . 


'if^ Hie  object  bf  dtir  ministrjr  i^^^bere,  mw^ 

smmnaiiiy  eipressiBd  than  iii  the  i^imlrtjf  dur  i^ 
timi^,  in  graiiting,  immediiitely  before  his  ascemiioH 
mttt  heaven,  the  apbstolicdifcdttimi^tt,  Matth.^ 
m  G0ye,merefbre,  nnd  tmck  dli  mHons,  The  Irt^d' 
m  the  onginafJ,  wfiich  w^  i-ender  teiiteb,*  stei^fi^ 
more  than  the  difiUsion  of  Imowl^dge.^  It  ^Siveys 

the  Idea  offonning  discipfes;1and  of  course  Indtfdes 
an  that  tnsirucHon  in  righteousness,  which  belongs  1*i 

cunsiians* 


JyU'i/'fL- 


It  is  iiJipossible  without  perversibn  of  kanguag^t^ 
exclude  from  such  instruction  etfery  thte^  whia  h^s 
srpdiiticalbeanng.  -VHnisters  .  Authorized  to  go 
throughout  the  florid,  and  thus  instruct  ajl  natitSu 


■^  Mi«^7,»r«7£. 


«w>'Vf    t". 


16 


THE  mmmrmmmme 


plished  until  nations,  a«  such,  shall  have  submiited^^te 
the  rale  of  righteousness.    Individuals,  indeed,  inay 

^y  be  organited,  and  enlarged,  and  comforted ;  aUd 
even  bodies  politk  |l»y  «»porie«».'90^ 
lage  Mtii  the  christian  religimi ;  in  ail  these  mBUm- 
titM^m^hanimf  »f  <»ier^Be!§»is  pfttwotedidn  mt^; 
ItMH  «ie<)biefet  ^  4h»  inWi^ 

^^wdft'Wf^^^^  i*®*»Pw*  of  dtei!5tJ^«*^-  if  *^ 
tflon  i^bf  any  use  to*  this  world,  or  in  the  woiM  to 
c^me,  it  fe  usefbl  for  man,  in  every  t^»tH)n<rf  itfe . 
miit^&f^i^ifi^'^^  wiio^ierious^  codsMets 

1^  ^1^1^  of  «tH^6ia;  to  fewm,  ao4  love,  awi  «Bfie 
€N»d|  by  i^^^fli%*n  every  shuatlo#Mri^ 

tilttl  the  bb^tiJBliii  of  ^  w^d  of  ^bd,  no  i^n  is 
^xei^.  r  l^i«ettbn»  a^  ild(k#B«ilHo  4bftlEnaitai?y  iss 

^fe|ytt^  the  i^fcifitw*  ^  religfen  ^  the  rij^  ^ 
speaking  upon  any  subject  whatever,  that  has  re^^^t 
to  sin  and  duty,  or  that  afltects  the  moral  conduct  6f 

^  Iio^  te^r#  by  ^ite  iKstirticiis,  f^ 

bteome  V^  ifcM^««'#o«M^  jK>r#  if  christian  dir 


'^Lukim.  14. 


M 


PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 


17 


Vines  have  no  right  to  apply  the  principles  of  re- 
vealed religion  to  the  concerns  of  civil  life  ? 

2.    The  scriptural  history  cannot  be  explained 
or  applied   without  touching    on  political  topics. 
The  sacred  writers  treated  of  the  public  concerns 
of  their  own,  and  of  preceding  ages,  and  have  set 
us  the  example.    Deny  us  the  right  of  expressing 
political  sentiments,  aad.of  remarking  upon  national 
conduct  and  events,  apd  a  gre»l  .part  of  the  sacred 
volume  will  necessarily    remain  unexplained^  ^be- 
fore our  eyes,  and  comparatively  useless.    Every 
man,  who  believes  in  the  providence  of  God,  will 
admit  that  all  true  history  is  worthy  of  attention  as 
a  developement  of  the  divine  government  over  hu- 
man affairs ;  as  an  exposition  of  the  principles  of  hu- 
man action ;  and  as  a  record  of  facts  and  events  use- 
ful for  the  direction  of  our  conduct  in  every  situa- 
tion of  life :  and  shall  we  not  be  permitted  to  avail 
ourselves  of  such  aid  in  the  instruction  of  the  seve- 
ral ranks  of  our  hearers  ?  We  are  assured,  by  the  in- 
spired writers,  that  national  concerns  are  made  sub- 
ordinate to  the  interests  of  true  religion:  and  it  is 
obvious  to  all,  that  there  is  an  intimate  connexion 
between  political  events,  and  the  interests  of  the 
christian  church.    Where,  then,  is  the  propriety  of 
scaling  up  our  lips,  that  we  may  not  speak  of  the  di- 
vine providence,  or  point  out  the   agency  of  our 
Saviour  in  overruling,  for  the  good  of  Zion,  the 
changes  which  take  place  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth? 


I' 


te 


THE  mOHT  OF  DISCTSSINO 


3.   The  prophecies  of  scripture  can  neTer  be  ex- 
plained without  potitical  discussion^ 

The  prospective  history  conftaibed  in  the  bible,  as 
well  as  the  narration  of  past  e?^fiits,  interwcayes  the 
story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  empire,  with  that  of  the 
church  of  <5od;  and  the  whole  is  employed  for  the 
purpose  of  instructuig  the  saints,  and  of  supportii^ 
their  hopes^nd  benerolent  exertions.  The  educa- 
tion of  believers,  olf  which  the , bible  is  unquestiow- 
ably  the  perfect  standard,  cannot  correspond  with 
their  diversified  condhions,  temptations,  and  duties, 
if  all  their  dvil  relations  be  excluded  from  consi- 
deration, and  their  pastors  utterly  prohibited  from 
expounding  those  portions  of  scripture  which  exhibit 
mankind  ki  their  collectlv^e  capacity  and  character, 
individual  man  is  certainly  a  very  interesting  object 
©f  attention  and  study.  The  christian,  from  the  first 
moments  of  his  spiritual  life ;  throughout  the  whole 
progress  of  this  his  iiew  and  better  nature  to  the  per- 
fection of  the  man  of  God ;  in  the  trying  hour  of 
his  separation  fi^m  the  world ;  and  in  his  future 
state  of  endless  enjoyment;  furnishes  the  public 
teachers  and  private  members  of  the  cburdh,  witii 
abundant  matter  of  useful  discourse  and  reflection: 
but,  the  social  concerns  of  the  rational  creature,  as 
they  occupy  a  great  portion  of  our  time;  give  ex- 
ercise to  all  our  powers;  and  affect  all  our  duties 
And  eiyoyments;  must  not  be  forgotten  in  the  ap- 
plication of  the  word  of  truth,  to  the  moral  part 
of  the  tenants  of  this  world,   who  are  preparing 


Wuicb  we  hupe  to  enter  when 


PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 


1» 


our  pilgrimage  is  finished.  No  man  can  be  permit- 
ted to  explain  the  prophecies  which  are  already  ac- 
complished, unless  he  be  allowed  to  apply  the  fact 
to  the  prediction :  and  for  the  saaie  reason,  ihom, 
which  are  now  fulfiMing,  or  hereafter  to  be  fulfilled, 
cannot  be  pointed  out  to  tlie  (k-iends  of  religion,  un- 
less we  have  a  right  to  bring  into  view  in  our  public 
ministrations  great  political  events  and  characters. 
Let  the  experiment  be  made  upon  the  books  written 
by  Daniel  and  John,  attd  the  trutli  of  my  assertion 
will  be  universally  confessed. 


H'*- 


4.  A  more  copious  and  conclusive  argument  in 
support  of  our  right,  to  preach  what  may,  iq  a  cer- 
tain sense,  be  denominated  politics,  is  derived  froni 
the  precepts  of  inspiration  which  we  are  required  to 
proclaim  to  the  world.  The  priest's  lips  shaMkeep 
knowledge,  and  they  should  seek  the  law  at  his 
mouth,  for  he  is  the  messenger  of  the  Lord  of 
hosts,* 

It  will  not,  I  hope,  be  denied,  that  christian  minis- 
ters have  a  right  to  make  the  commandments  of  their 
God  a  subject  of  discussion.  The  law  is  holy,  and 
ihe  commandment  holy,  and  just,  and  good.f  There  is, 
I  admit,  some  danger  of  abusing  this  and  every  other 
right  which  we  possess;  and  for  such  abuse  we  de- 
serve conection.  In  proportion,  too,  to  the  danger 
^f  misrepresenting  the  word  of  truth,  should  be  our 


*  Mai.  ii.  7. 


t  Rom.  Til.  12. 


■r-'v 


20 


THfi   RIOHT  OP  DI8CUSAING 


caution  in  the  selection  and  discussion  of  subject* 
before  the  public.  Thia  caution  is  peculiarly  neces- 
sary for  thoie  ministers  who  venture  upon  political 
remarks.  Our  own  partialities  are  apt  to  betray  us 
into  error.  The  acuteness  of  an  independent  people, 
alive  to  their  political  interests,  is  waiting  to  detect 
our  aberrations.  A  feverish  sensibility,  inseparable 
from  the  deep  intrigues  of  selfish  policy,  renders  a 
few  incapable  of  hearing  without  misapprehension, 
and  of  speaking  without  misrepresentation.  Some 
have  swerved  from  a  good  conscience^  and  have  turned 
aside  unto  vain  jangling  ;  desiring  to  he  teachers  of  the 
law  ;  understanding  neither  what  they  say  nor  whereof 
they  affirm.  But  we  ki^om  that  the  law  is  good  if  a  tnan 
use  it  lawfully,*  And  it  is  impossible  to  make  any 
use  of  some  parts  of  the  divine  law,  without  enter- 
ing upon  discussions  that  may  be  termed  political. 
If  I  can  show  to  you,  my  christian  brethren,  from 
this  volume,  by  which  alone  you  are  bound  to  try 
my  ministry  among  you,  that  the  law  of  God  gives 
directions  about  the  several  great  concerns  of  civil 
polity,  you  will  not  again  call  in  question  my  right, 
to  declare,  from  this  place,  the  duty  required  of  us  in 
relation  to  civil  life.  Bear  with  me,  for  a  little,  and 
I  shall  (^[uote  for  your  inspection  passages,  which 
prescribe  Hie  mode  of  constituting  civil  rulers — The 
character  of  such  as  administer  the  governments- 
The  duty  of  the  constituted  authorities — TTie  conduct 
proper  upon  the  part  of  5M&/«cfo— passages  which 

*  1  Tim.  i.  5—8. 


"    ^.»r.  I 


PUBLIC  APFAIItl. 


21 


>j 


Beprove  them  who  confer  power  improperl^-^nd 
Threaten  maf(tstrates  who  are  unmindful  of  their 
high  obligations. 

n 
All  these  are  political  doctrines,  which  the  Gorer- 
nor  of  the  universe  commands  us  to  teach  to  the 
nations  of  the  earth. 

1.  The  mode  of  constituting  rulers,  is  by  electing, 
to  the  several  departments  of  state,  suitable  charac- 
ters from  among  the  people  over  whom  they  are  to 
exercise  authority.    Exod.  xviii.  21.  Thou  shall  pro- 
vide out  of  all   the  people  able  men,   such  as  fear 
Gody  men  of  truth,  hating  covetmsness,  and  place  such 
otter  them  to  be  rulers.     The  chief  concern  of  ?»  nation 
in  forming  its  arrangements,  ought  to  be  the  wise 
and  equitable    distribution  of  power  into   proper 
hands.    The  divine  rule  for  doing  this,  now  quoted, 
has  never  been  surpassed.    It  is  adapted  to  every  na- 
tion; and  its  excellence  obvious  to  every  man  of 
understanding.    The  prerequisites,  in  a  candidate 
for  power,  are  plainly  stated.    They  are  four,  capa- 
city, piety,  integrity,  and  disinterestedness.    They 
appear,  too,  in  the  order  of  their  relative  impor- 
tance.   First,   capacity— a6/e   men.    The  ignorant, ' 
the  feeble,  the  foolish,  and  the  insane,  are  discarded, 
as  obviously  unfit  to  bear  office  among  rational  be- 
ings.   Second,  pieiy—such  as  fear  God.     The  scep- 
tic, the  vicious,  and  the  profane,  are  rejected  from 
authority  over  the  accountable  subjects  of  the  di- 
vine moral  government.    Third,  inteffritv— th^,  nf 


22 


THE  IliaHT  or    DISCVISING 


m 


inUh.  The  ambitious,  the  dissembler,  and  the  hy^ 
pocrite,  being  unprincipled,  are  dangerous  and  un- 
worthy of  trust.  Fourth,  disinterestedness — halhig 
covelousness.  The  selfish,  and  tlie  mercenary  man, 
would  sacrifice  the  public  good  at  the  shrine  of  an 
individual  servant. 

The  general  maxim  of  polity,  from  which  all  these 
directions  flow,  is,  that  no  provisions  of  a  constitution 
of  government,,  however  wisely  adopted,  can  pre- 
serve the  liberties  and  promote  fhe  good  of  society, 
unless  they  be  administered  by  suitable  officers. 
Measures,  Ihe  object;  and,  for  their  sakes,  proper 
men.  In  this  view,.  I  consider  as  correct,  the  decla- 
ration of  a  great  parliamentary  orator,  "  How  vain 
then,  how  idle,  bow  presumptuous  is  the  opinion, 
that  laws  can  do  every  thing  ?  and  how  weak  and 
pernicious  the  maxim  founded  upon  it,  that  mea- 
sures, not  men,  are  to  be  attended  to  !"* 

2.  The  character,  to  be  supported  by  those  who 
are  in  power  in  any  commonwealth,  is  expressly  pre- 
scribed, 2  Sam.  xxiii.  3.  The  God  of  Israel  said- 
He  that  ruleth  over  men  must  be  just,  ruling  in  the  fear 
of  God. 

If  government  be  instituted  for  the  good  of  the 
community,  and  not  for  the  pleasure  of  an  in- 
dividual, as  tht!  dnme  law  declares,  and  common 
sense  admits,  piov  ?ioi?  ought  to  be  made  for  the 


# 


Fox's  Hist.  Phil.  1808,  page  14. 


PtJBLIC  AfFAIKS. 


23 


ipeedy  renaoval  of  a  public  scirant  wlio  is  unvTor^ 
thy  of  the  trust  reposed  in  bim.    The  Jaw  must  pf 
course  be  applied  to  his  charactc  r  during  the  whol© 
period  of  his  contiimante  in  oflice.     If  he  cannot 
bearihe  test,  a  jnore  wortliy  pensonage  ought  to  be 
selected  in  order  to  occupy  in  his  room.    In  vain 
would  the  divine  law  appoint  a  criterion,  unless  it 
were  proper  to  dispossess  the  occupant  who  could 
not  erJur.   its  application.    The  constitution  of  go- 
vr«  «ment,  which  requires  base  men,  or  those  other- 
wise disqualified  for  the  duties  of  a  high  station,  to 
continue  in  power  for  life,  is  on  that  very  accouot 
inconsistent  with  the  bible.    The  criterion  spcci^^d 
in  the  passage  before  you,  is  both  obvious  and  of 
easy  application.    It  is  twofold— ^/Wnew  to  men,  and 
reverence  for  their  Creator,    He  that  ruleth  over  men- 
moral  agents  united  by  social  ties,  during  the  time 
he  continues  in  power,  must,  of  necessity,  eJ^bibit 
these  qualifications.    If  he  be  unjust  to  men,  these 
men  ought,  for  their  own  sakes,  to  dispossess  him : 
and  if  he  have  no  respect  for  the  Creator,  men,  ac- 
countable to  him  who  is  worthy  of  esteem  and  fear, 
ought,  in  testimony  of  their  allegiance  lo  the  almigh- 
ty Governor  of  nations,  to  remove  from  influence  and 
b  ,>rour  the  despiser  of  his  name  and  law. 

3.'It  is  required  of  the  constituted  authorities  of  a 

nation,  that  they  officially  recognize  the  christian 

religion,  and  cherish  the  interests  of  the  church  of 

Jesus  Christ*    Psalm  ii.   10,  12.    Be  wise,  now,  there- 

fore,  O  ye  kings;  he  instructed,  ye  judges  of  the 


24 


THE  JWG|iT!!  OF  DIS0USSIN<> 


earth.    Serve  the  Lqrd  rvHh  fear— Kiss  the  Son  kit 
he  he  angry. 

As  it  is  the  will  of  God,  declared  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  human  nati^re,  and  in  the  circumstances  of 
human  life,  as  well  as  iu  the  scriptures,  that  men 
should  associate  uttder  suitable  regulations,  he  pre- 
scribes for  those,  who  frame  and  execute  laws  in  a 
commonwealth  so  formed,  their  duty  in  relation  to 
himself  their  sovereign  Lord,  almighty  Protector,^  and 
omniscient  Judge.  It  is  their  wisdom  to  comply-^to 
hear,  understand,  and  obey  his  divine  injunctions, 
l-evealed  in  the  christian  religion. 


I  \ 


4.  The  course  of  conduct,  becoming  the  subjects 
of  such  equitable  and  righteous  rulers,  is  also  pointed 
out,  and  the  reason  upon  which  it  is  founded,  is  con- 
nected with  the  precept.  Rom.  xiii.  1,  5j  6.  Lei 
every  soul  be  subject  unto  the  higher  powers  j  for  there 
is  no  power  but  of  God:  the  powers  that  be  are  or- 
dained of  God.  Wherefore  ye'musl  needs  be  subjeel, 
not  mlyfor  wraths  but  for  cotmience  sake.  For  this 
cause,  pay  ye  tribute  also:  for  they  are  God's  minis- 
ters attending  continually  on  this  very  thing. 

The  duty  specified  is  conscientious  submission : 
that  submission  to  be  expressed  by  obedience  to  the 
law,  and  the  punctual  payment  of  such  sums,  as  are 
required  for  the  maintenance  of  public  credit,  and 
the  support  ot  the  government.  The  reasons  annex- 
ed are  sufficiently  forcible.     The  rulers  of  the  na- 


PUBLIC  AFFAXttS. 


25 


* 

tibn;  are  its  public  servants,  and  of  course  to  be  ^up- 
ported  by  those  who  appoint  them :  being  appointed, 
they  are  the  servants  of  God  for  the  maintenance  of 
moral  order;  and  reverence  for  him  will  produiie 
respect  for  Umm^  Thfey  are  ordained  of  God.  They 
are  God»s  ministers,  attending  continually  on  this 
very  thing." 

The  conti-oversy,  about  the  divim  right  of  both 
the  MITRE  and  the  crown,  is  passin^x  rapidly  into  ob- 
livion.   Tlie  theory  of  civil  polity,  is  from  the  scrip, 
lures,  very  easily  understood.    The  formation  of 
constitutions,  and  the  election  of  office^-s,   are  the 
work  of  the  community;  and  thus,  government  is  the 
^rdiname  of  man.    Jehovah,  the  God  of  order  and 
equity,  approves  of  the  civil  association  formed  upon 
moral  principles,  and  sanctions  with  his  own  high 
authority  the  proper  exercise  of  legitimate  power. 
Thus,  government  is  the  ordinanee  of  God.     1  Pet.  ii. 
13—15.    8id)mit yourselves  to  tvery  ordinance  of  man 
whether  it  be  to  the  king  or  unto  governors,  for  so  is 
the  will  of  God.     Ron.,  xiii.  2.     Whosoever,  therefore, 
reststeth  the  power,  resislcth  the  ordinance  of  God. 

5.  The  Sovereign  of  the  universe  threatens  with 
his  divine  displeasure,  those  who  contrive  and  main- 
tain governments,  otherwise  than  upon  true  moral 
principles.  Hos.  viii.  3,  4,  13.  Israel  hath  east  off 
the  thing  that  is  good:  the  enemy  shall  pursue  him.. 
They  have  set  up  kings,  hut  not  by  me  ;  they  have  made 

-^ ' '  "'""  ^  '^•'^^•'*'  »*  «y«'    ^"^ow  ma  he  remember  tticir 

tmquities,  and  visit  their  sins. 


26 


TH«  HIOHT  OF  DtgCUSSING 


In  this  chapter,  the  sin  of  creating  and  maintaining 
an  immoi-al  system  of  civil  p-lity  is  connected  with 
that  of  an  abuse  of  religion.    It  wa?  the  crinie  of  Is- 
rael, as  well  as  of  other  nations,  both  ancient  and 
modern,  to  couple  t<^ther  an  abuse  of  religion  and 
government  into  ©ne  complex  system  of  impiety 
and  misrule.    Tl#  has  always  .  een  effected  by  the 
evil  management  of  designing  men,  who  availed  them- 
selves of  the  ^iiorance,  the  apathy,  and  the  vices  of 
the  people  at  large,  in  order  to  promote  their  own 
schemes  of  ambitioB.    But  these  are  not  alone  in  the 
blame.    The  hard  in  his  word  declares  the  whole 
community  guilty,  and  threatens  them  with  deserved 
punishment.     His  providence  is  a  continual  com- 
mentary upon  the  declaration,  and  a  constant  execu- 
tion of  the  threatening.    The  body  of  a  nation  suf- 
fers under  bad  government.    The  fact  cannot  be  dis- 
puted.   The  justness  of  this  measure  is  easily  shown. 
The  population  of  a  country  bave  the  power.    They 
can,   if  they  will,  pull  down,  build  up,  alter,  and 
amend  the  system  of  social  order.    When  they  sub- 
mit to  thrones  of  iniquity  which  frame  mischief  hy 
law,  their  condition  is  not  merely  a  state  of  suffering 
which  we  may  pity,  but  also  a  fault  which  we  are  to 
blame.     If  through  neglect  or  discord,  they  do  not 
co-operate  in  reform,  suffer  they  justly  must.     Shall 
not  the  Judge  of  all  the  earth  do  right  ? 

6.  Civil  rulers  who  neglect  their  duty,  and  abuse 
their  power,  are  also  threatened  with  divine  judg- 


iilCUlS. 


T»^^i.^  v^lxT  on  O'i     ShnJI  fJip.  throne   ofini- 


quity  have  fellowship  with  thee,  which  frameth  mischief 


...,/:.■,  j-,„    Ji. 


PUBLIC  AFFiklli*. 


27 


by  alamrmishdllbring  npon  t^em  ikeir  mn  inifui- 
ty,  andshaltmt  them  off  in  their  onm  wickedness/  yea, 
the  Lord  our  God  shall  cid  them  off. 

Iniquity  is  displeftsing  to  %  Lord,  because  it  is 
cofltrary  to  his  nature.  The  splendourof  human  great- 
ness, and  the  pomp  of  human  power/although  they 
dazzle  our  eyes  and  impose  upon  our  credulity,  will 
not  prevent  him  from  judging  righteously ;  and  the 
greatness  of  the  mischief,  consequent  upon  the  ti-ans- 
gressions  of  men  in  power,   iastead  of  screening 
them  from  detection,  will  increase  their  condemna- 
tion.   Elevated  as  the  higher  ranks  of  life,  are  above 
the  censures  of  the  community,  and  unrestrained  as 
is  their  consequent  indulgence  in  crime,  they  can- 
not escape  with  impunity  from  him  who  refuses  fel- 
lowship with  them  in  their  illegitimate  authority. 
"Hath  he  said,  and  shall  he  not  do  it?  or  hath  he 
spoken,  and  shall  he  not  make  it  good  ?"* 

In  these  judgments,  which  are  inflicted  upon  those 
who  neglect  to  rule  according  to  the  principles  of 
the  moral  law,  however  heavy  they  fall,  christians, 
so  far  as  they  aro  influenced  by  scriptural  advice 
and  example,  will  readily  acquiesce.  O  Lord,  thou 
hast  ordained  them  for  judgment ;  and,  O  mighty 
God,  thou  hast  established  them  for  correction.  Thou 
art  of  purer  eyes  than  to  behold  evil,  and  canst  not  look 
ftn  iniquity,^ 


Ik  XT •  •••     .  - 


fHab.  i.  12;  13. 


2« 


THE  Ria«T  OF  DISCDSSIiy& 


Froni  this  collation,  of  passages  selected  from  the 
standard  of  our  faith  and  practice,  and  embracing  the 
whole  theory  of  civil  polity,  you  will  readily  per- 
ceive the  force  of  my  argument  in  support  of  the 
r^fwhichl  nowcliim.  If  the  divme  law  be  the 
rule  of  our  christian  ministry,  and  the  scriptures  be 
the  bond  of  connexion  between  pastor  and  people,, 
then  have  I  shown  the  authority,  under  which  I  act 
in  introducing  this  discussion,  to  be  perfectly  com- 
petent. 

I  claim  the  privilege  of  explaining  the  law  of  ray 
God.  1  claim  it,  too,  not  merety  as  a  privilege,  which 
I  am  at  liberty  to  use!  It  fe  not  even  optional  to  the 
ministers  of  religion  whether  to  use  it  or  not :  they 
are  bound  by  their  public  instructions,  as  ambassa- 
dors for  Christ,  to  raise  a  voice  which  shall  reach  ta 
both  the  cottage  and  the  throne,  and  teach  their  se- 
veral occupants  their  respective  duties.  " Go"  said 
our  arisen  Lord  to  his  ministers,  when  handing  ta 
them  their  commission,  "  disciple  aU  nations,  teaching 
them  to  observe  all  things  whatsoever  I  hone  command- 
e<l  .yow"  We  must,  my  brethren,  in  order  to  be 
faithful  to  our  exalted  employer,  have  it  in  our  pow- 
er to  say  upvm  a  review  of  our  ministry,  after  an  ex- 
ample of  approved  excellence,  •*  /  have  not  shunned 
to  declare  wito  i^outhe  whoU  counsel  of  God"^ 

II.    Remove  Objections. 


fVBLlXi   AFFAIRS^, 


a?f 


There  are  many,  who  admit  that  the  puWic  teach- 
ers of  the  Christian  churches  have  a  right,  both  as 
citizens  of  the  commonwealth,  and  as  interpreters 
of  the  oracles  of  God,  to  express  their  sentiments  on 
political  subjects,  who,  nevertheJess,  deem  it  inexpe- 
dient to  exercise  the  right.    Prudence,  lest  by  giv- 
ing offence,  they  frustrate  Uie  more  important  ob- 
jects of  their  ministry ;  personal  timidity,  lest  they 
piwoke  disrespect  and  opposition ;  christian  tender- 
ness, lest  they  should  wound  the  feelings  of  a  pious 
hearer;  and  in  some,  perhaps,  a  sense  of  their  own 
incompetency,  or  an  ignoble  pusillanimity,  prevent 
the  ministers  of  religion  generally  from  introducing 
political  remarks  in  their  discourses.    In  abstaining 
from  the  exercise  of  this  right,  let  christian  pastors 
use  their  own  discretion :  I  am  willing  to  admit,  that 
we  ought  rarely  touch  on  such  points;  but  an  abso- 
lute prohibition  cannot  be  supported  by  any  solid 
reasonings.   The  following  summary  comprehends  all 
the  arguments,  with  which  I  am  acquainted,  against 
the  right  of  introducing  politics  to  the  pulpit. 

Christ  crucified  is  the  proper  theme  of  ministerial 
discussion— The  kingdom  of  the  Kedeemer  is  not  of 
this  world-— Ministers  have  the  care  of  souls,  and  not 
of  the  bodily  estate— Gospel  hearers  are  divided  in 
political  opinions— Political  remarks  are  unfavour 
able  to  devotion— Preachers  are  dictatorial,  and 
usually  opposed  to  civil  liberty. 


T  nv 


ammation  of  these  objections. 


with  a  confidence  that,  without  injury  to  the  feeli 


mgs 


90 


THE   RIlQHt  O^   DISCUSSING 


of  any  eandid  mind,  1  shall  be  able  to  prove  them 
inralid.      < 

I,  Objection,  **  Christ  and  him  crucified  is  the 
proper  theme  of  pulpit  discussion ;  and,  therefore,  it 
is  improper  to  introduce  political  concerns." 

In  examining  this  objection,  I  joyfully,  h  well  as 
readily,  admit  the  precious  truth  contained.in  Ihe  as- 
sertion upon  which  the  argument  is  supposed  to  rest. 
With  my  hand  upon  my  heart,  I  repeat,  in  your 
ears,  the  words  of  the  great  evangelizer  of  the  Gen- 
tiles, **  For  I  determined  not  to  know  any  thing 
among  ymi,  save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  crucified."* 
And  from  that  determination,  if  I  ever  recede,  let 
my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,1[ 

This  declaration,  however,  neither  supports  the 
objection,  nor  excludes  from  the  pulpit  the  duties  of 
civil  life.  We  are  not  to  confine  oUr  ministry  to  the 
mere  words  "  Christ  crucified."  The  doctrine^  t}(  ihe 
cross  must  be  inculcated.  We  are  not  to  confine  our 
cliscussion  to  the /ad  of  Christ's  death;  but  must 
preach  of  his  person,  his  covenant,  his  mission,  his 
work,  his  power,  his  providence,  and  his  law;  and 
that  law,  in  its  application  to  man  in  his  social  as 
well  as  individual  capacity. 

The  apostle  Paul  himself,  who  first  employed  the 
words  referred  to,  understood  them  in  this  latitude. 


«  1  Cor.  ii.  2. 


f  PBaim  cxxxvii.  6. 


PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 


31 


He  inculcated  the  doctrines  of  grace.  He  proclaim- 
fid  the  duties  of  domestic  and  of  civil  life.  He 
spake  of  rulers,  and  of  their  laws,  and  of  their  sub- 
jects. He  shunned  not  to  declare  the  whole  counsel  of 
God. 


The  prophets,  who  preceded  Paul,  in  diffusing  the 
light  of  revealed  truth,  had  acted  in  the  same  man- 
ner; and  the  Lord  himself,  when  he  appeared  on 
earth,  spake  of  other  subjects,  as  well  as  of  the  de- 
cease which  he  was  to  accomplish  in  Jerusalem,  Fol- 
lowing their  example  we,  too,  would  give  this  exten- 
lion  to  our  ministry,  «  built  upon  the  foundation  of 
.the  apostles  and  prophets,  Jesus  Christ  himself  being 
the  chief  corner-stone.** 

* 

That  very  reason,  which  the  objector  urges  against 
the  introduction  into  the  pulpit  of  political  remarks, 
we  esteem  as  an  argument  in  its  favour.    The  ob- 
jection proceeds  upon  the  principle,  that  the  gospel 
doctrine,  the  christian  religion,  is  to  be  perpetually 
separated  from  the  polity  of  nations ;  we  go  upon  the 
directly  opposite  principle,  that  civil  rule  should  be 
regulated  by  the  maxims  of  christian  law.    Seeing, 
therefore,  that  we  determined  to  know  nothing  among 
you,  save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  crucified ;  we  intro- 
duce into  this  place  our  political  sentiments,  and  in- 
vite you  to  correct,  by  the  revelation  of  truth,  all 
your  political  maxims  and  actions.     Let  us  recon^ 
mend  in  the  same  breath,  religious  and  civil  duty. 
Love  the  brotherhood — Fear  G^^ u^^ #/.-  i^---~  * 

*lPet.  ii.  17. 


32 


THE  RIGHT  OF  DISCUSSINO 


2.  Objection,  "  The  kingdom  of  the  Redeemer 
is  not  of  this  world ;  and  therefore  the  ministers  of 
the  Redeemer  should  not  interfere  with  the  king- 
doms of  this  world." 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  deny  the  truth  of  the  maxim 
with  which  this  objection  commences.  It  is  a  part  of 
that  good  confession,  which  the  faithful  and  true  wit- 
ness made  before  the  Roman  deputy,  who  exercised 
over  subjugated  Palestine,  the  iron  sway  of  the  Cai- 
sars.  Pontius  Pilate,  agitated  by  a  consciousness  of 
the  innocence  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  his  own  guilt, 
and  labouring  to  devise  means  for  delivering  the 
victim  of  Jewish  malevolence  without  risking  his  own 
popularity,  proposed  from  the  judgment-seat,  which 
he  so  unworthily  filled,  the  question.  Art  thou  the 
king  of  the  Jews?  Jesus  answer ed^  My  kingdom  is  not 
of  this  world.*  He  admitted  that  he  was  a  king. 
He  bore  witness  unto  the  truth ;  and  the  truth  is, 
that  he  is  King  of  kings — higher  than  the  kings  of  the 
tarth.f  How  then  are  we  to  understand  the  assertion, 
"  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world  ?"  In  its  most 
obvious  meaning.  His  power  is  from  a  higher  source. 
It  is  of  God.  It  is  not  from  the  election  of  the  pro- 
pie,  nor  the  appointment  of  the  Emperor.  It  is  Je- 
hovah, w^ho  said  to  him.  Sit  thou  at  my  right  hand — 
Rule  thou  in  the  midst  of  thine  enemies.  Ask  qf  me, 
and  I  shall  give  thee  the  heathen  for  thine  inheritance, 
and  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for  thy  possession.t 
If,  therefore,  his  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  it  is 


•4 


John  xviii.  33, 36.    f  Psalai  lixsix.  27.    I  Psalm  ii.  8. 


PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 


3S 


<f  God;  it  is  wtrX\^  world  :  Tht  Zord hatk pr^pm^ 
ad  his  throne  in  the  heavens,  and  his  kingdom  rulflh 
over  all,*  . 

So  far,  then,  from  furnishing  an  objection  against 
the  claim  of  right  which  we  make,  is  this  principle, 
that  it  in  fact  establishes  it  beyond  all  dispute.    The 
kingdom  of  Christ  is  of  God,  over  the  nations,  there- 
fore we  apply  the  laws  of  that  kingdom  to  the  na- 
tional polity.    We  shall  never  recognize  as  valid  the 
•claim  of  Satan,  though  termed  the  god  of  this  world, 
to  the  sovereignty  over  the  nations;  but  shall  endea- 
vpurto  rescue  them  from  the  domirvion  of  the  usurp- 
er, and  restore  them  in  allegiance  to  their  lawful 
governor,  « the  prince  of  the  kings  of  the  earth."  The 
Saviour  himself,  when  the  adversary  tempted  him, 
by  a  requisition  of  homage,  and  an  offer  of  power 
over  the  world,  refused  both  the  demand  and  the 
gift,   becamse  worship  is  due  only  unto  God ;  and 
from  Go(l  hiriiself,  the  Kedeemerhad  already  obtain- 
ed all  power  over  tbe  kingdoms  of  the  earth.    The 
churcb  of  Christ  is  in  this  world.    Christians  are  con- 
cerned in  the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  as  rulers  and 
ruled.    The  kingdom  of  Christ  is  not  of  but  over 
this  world.    The  ministers  of  Christ  have  therefore  a 
right  to  treat  of  all  the  moral  concerns  of  human  so- 
ciety. 

3.  Objection.    *<  As  ministers  have   the    care  of 
«Ouls,  and  not  of  the  bodily  estate  of  men,  thej 

*  Psalm  ciii.  19. 


u 


TUC  RIOUT  OF  DISCUSSING 


should  not  be  permitted  to  treat  of  aigr  f  ^c§pt  spiK 
ritual  subjects.*'  ' 

The  great  concern  of  every  pastor  who  is  faithful 
to  the  people  whom  he  serres,  is  to  feed  the  flock  of 
God  with  knowledge  and  understanding.  It  is  mind 
that  makes  the  man ;  and  the  interest  of  one  soul  is 
more  to  be  sought  after,  because,  in  reality,  more 
valuable,  than  the  whole  world,  si  know  that  the 
oracles  of  God  inform  you,  who  hear  the  gospel, 
that  the  rulers  of  Israel  watch  for  your  souis,  as  they 
that  must  give  account,*  Wo  to  the  unfaithful  pastor 
who  forgets  the  souls  of  men,  or  refuses  to  minister 
to  their  edification.  ,  ^  ,        ■ 

The  improvement  of  mind,  however,  does  not  re- 
quire the  neglect  of  the  body.  These  constituents 
of  living  man,  are  intimately  connected  by  a  divine 
hand.  Both  were  assumed  by  the  Saviour,  and  re- 
deemed by  his  blood.  In  both,  we  glorify  God  on 
earth,  and  shall  enjoy  him  in  heaven.  The  material 
world  is  created  for  the  sake  of  the  moral ;  and  it 
is  upheld  by  Messiah  for  the  sake  of  revealing  his 
perfections,  in  the  salvation  of  men.  Matter  itself, 
therefore,  may  be  referred  to  in  our  ministry ;  and 
useful  remarks,  upon  its  nature  and  its  laws,  may, 
without  incurring  the  blame  of  injuring  the  cause  of 
spirituality,  be  interwoven  with  pulpit  exhibitions. 
Politics  respect  not  the  bodily  estate  only,  or  even 
principally.    They  affect  mind,  morals,  piety,  cooitt 

*  Heb.  xiii.  17. 


rOttllC  AVFAIHI, 


wt» 


ftrrt.  and  duty.   So  far  as  they  do  so,  they  may  come 
under  review.  It  is  not  to  settle  the  claimsifor  empire, 
to  define  g^c^rapbicai  boundaries,  or  to  acyiiai  tb« 
contendings  of  human  ambition;  but  in  order  ti 
aid  th»  christian  in  maintaining  a  conscience  void  of 
offence  towards  God  and  man,  that  we  would  ever 
introduce  the  subject  into  the  public  worship  of  our 
God.    In  order  to  promote  the  good  of  souls,  and  nol 
with  the  design  of  diminishing  your  spiritual-minded- 
ness,  we  urge  this  duty,  that,  with  spiritual  views  of 
political  movements,  you  may  intermingle  with  the 
world ;  that  whatsoever  ye  do,  whether  ye  eat  or  dnnk, 
ye  may  do  all  to  the  glory  of  God*    All  things,  not 
excepting  political  events,  are  for  your  sakes.    The 
whole  of  the  nations  are  subordinate  to  the  church, 
the  spiritual  spouse  of  Immanuel.    /  am  the  Lord 
%  God,  the  holy  one  of  Israel,  thy  Saviour:  I  gave 
Egypt  for  thy  ransom,  Ethiopia  and  Seba  for  thee 
Since  thou  wast  precious  in  my  sight,  thou  hast  been 
honourable,  and  I  have  loved  thee;  therefore  will  I  give 
menforihee,  and  people  for  thy  lifcf 

The  judicious  minister  will  weigh,  in  the  balance 
of  the  sanctuary,  every  subject,  for  the  purpose  of 
determining  its  importance.  He  will  rarely  enter 
upon  political  topics.  He  will  never  descend  to 
questions  of  mere  party :  but  there  are  times  in 
which  he  ought  not  to  be  silent,  respecting  the  con- 
duct of  nations,  or  of  chtisUans  in  their  civil  capa- 
rity.  *^ 


1  Cor.JF.31. 


f  lift,  xliii.  3,  4. 


V      %. 


ii 


THE   nlOUT  OF   DIICI7S5IT«G 


■«*. 


4^  Ol^thn.  "Gospel-hearers  are  usually  so  df- 
liided,  on  political  suli^cts,  that  minitters  ought  boI 
io  gi?6  offence  by  ex{>re8«ing  their  own  opinions." 

/ 

Christians  are,  alas,  divided :  and  the  pride  of  c^- 
Ppn  in  their  distracted  state,  does  much  mischief.  It 
^the  policy  of  the  mere  men  of  this  world  to  keep 
^hem  divided ;  and  the  god  of  this  world  triumphs^ 
in  their  want  of  unanimity  and  cordiality.  If  chris- 
tians did  uniformly  co-operate,  Satan^s  servants  and 
kingdom  could  not  prosper.  But  the  professors  of 
religion  are  divided^  not  about  politics  only ;  every 
doctrine  of  Christianity,  every  article  of  ecclesiastical 
infer,  has  been  a  subject  of  dispute  and  contention. 
Are  ttot  the  ambassadors  of  Christ  at  liberty  to 
preach  disputed  doctrines*  and  enforce  any  particu- 
Ur  discipline  or  rule,  even  although  some  professed 
christians  should  withhold  their  assent?  Certain  pub- 
lic teachers  may,  indeed,  esteem  it  convenient  to  act 
upon  this  maxim,  and  never  support  any  one  system 
of  doctrine  or  of  order.  These  are  not  the  exam- 
ples of  our  ministry.  Evangelical  truths,  I  know, 
ate  more  hnportant,  infinitely  more  important,  than, 
the  comiiHOB  causes  of  party  contention  in  politics  ^ 
therefore  they  require  the  more  attention.  When 
occasion  requh  es,  however,  the  mere  fact,  that  men 
are  of  different  politics,  ought  not  to  prevent  the 
application  of  the  word  <»f  God  to  their  disputes* 
Political  morality  is  ess^tial  t©  Christianity. 

c 

Am  I  told,  that  this  will  do  no  good :  that  it  will 
«nly  give  btlence :  that  it  will  alienate  the  affectionf 


rtmuc  AFFAiia* 


.*;i- 


cl  one  set  of  pcditicians  from  ihe  pastor :  UuH  it  wUI 
mar  his  usefulness;  and  create  persotml  enemiet  to 
himself?    Who  makes  these  assertiow?  M«n  who 
are  mild  and  free  from  political  bias?  or  men  wb» 
are  full  of  violence  and  determined  to  execute  the 
threateoiog?    I„  the  discharge  of  my  duty,  I  will 
fearlessly  iiin  this  risk.    I  wUl  try  whether,  in  tlllt 
liberal  age,  the  candid  investigation  of  the  subject 
before  me,  without  ungenerous  allusion  or  invective 
will  create  me  personal  enemies.    I  will  make  the' 
experiment,  whether  it  be  possible  for  any  minister 
of  religion  to  prefer  the  cause  of  his  country  to  that 
of  Its  powerful  foe,  without  provoking  the  resentmeM 
of  party  spirit.    If  1  suffer,  I  am  prepared  for  ft- 
but  1  do  not  expect  any  such  treatment.    Men  of 
different  religious  sentiments  hear  without  passion 
the  same  sei-mon.    Are  they,  then,  more  concerned 
about  political  than  religious  truth,    and  dispos- 
ed to  resent  a  difference  of  opinion  on  that  subject, 
more  than  on  subjects  relative  to  their  eternal  inter- 
ests ?    1  cannot,  as  yet,  admit  this  to  be  the  case.    I 
^nfidently  indulge  the  hope,  that  there  is  more  li- 
berahty,    among  those    who    attend    upon  gospel 
ordinances,  than  to  deny  to  us  the  right,  which  they 
exercise  themselves,  of  forming  each  his  own  sentt 
ments,  on  political  morality,  and  of  modestly  express- 
ing them  to  the  world.  ^      f     » 


We  do  not  presume  to  prescribe  for  you.  We  do 
not  dictate  to  you  in  the  choice  of  public  officers. 
We  allow  you  to  .ludge  for  vour^^U..  w^  .^,.. 
require  of  you  a  similar  permission  for  J-  7^ 


^\, 


3tl 


THE  RIGHT  OF  DISCUBSINO 


upon  this  subject,  whUe  we  cautiously  avoid  the^^ 
use  of  intemperate  language,  we  have  only  to  ask, 
that  you  do  justice  to  our  arguments,  and  to  the  mo- 
tives with  which  they  are  offered. 

5.  Obfeciim,  «*  Political  remarks  are  unfavour* 
able  to  devotion;  and  therefore  unsuitable  to  the 
pulpit." 

In  endeavouring  to  obviate  this  objection,  I  feel  as 
if  I  had  to  encounter  the  most  difficult  task  which 
my  subject  imposes  upon  me.  The  devotional  feel- 
ings of  many  professed  christians  are  so  feeble,  and 
have  so  little  foundation  in  moral  principle,  that  they 
are  readily  deranged  or  removed.  Others,  who 
have  learned  only  the  rudiments  of  religion,  seldom 
consider  it  in  any  other  light  than  as  matter  of  men- 
tal comfort  to  an  individual,  without  having  any 
relation  to  their  improvement  and  usefulness  as 
members  of  society.  As  they  would  give  their  at- 
tention to  the  things  of  time,  uninfluenced  by  chris- 
tian principles,  they  may  wish  to  fix  in  the  sanctua- 
ry their  attention  upon  the  concerns  of  eternity, 
without  any  reference  to  a  general  reformation  of 
either  church  or  state.  It  is  ever  to  be  expected, 
that  those,  who  are  unwilling  to  consider  religiously 
their  political  concerns,  will  be  as  unwilling  to  6«- 
have  religiously  in  their  political  transactions. 

This  is  the  way  to  produce  a  separation  between 
the  two  subjecis.  And  yet  the  sepai-ation  cannot  be 
complete,  unless  all  christians  'voq  secluded  from 


PPBLie  AFfArlSf. 


3$^ 


tTcry  concern  in  national  politics;  and  the  entii« 
management  devolved  upon  those,  who  will  not  be 
tempted  to  think  of  the  bible  as  the  rule,  or  of 
piety  as  the  principle,  according  to  which  civilidM 
should  act:  and  where  would  this  end;  but  in  the 
transfer  of  the  undivided  management  of  national  af- 
fairs  into  the  hands  of  infidels. 

The  principle  of  this  objection,  while  it  appears 
to  proceed  from  spiritual-mindedness,  is  near  of  kin 
to  the  unenlightened  devotion  of  the  recluse  or  the 
hermit,  who  retires  from  the  world  into  a  life  of  so- 
litude.  It  approaches  monastic  holiness  more  thaa 
the  piety  of  Abraham,  of  Elijah,  of  Daniel,  of  Paul, 
and  of  Jphn  the  Divine.  These  were  men  of  piety. 
Ihey  taught,  and  they  practised  the  duties  of  politi- 
cal life,  both  in  peace  and  in  war,  without  thinking 
that  it  injui^d  devotion :  and  even,  in  the  ^irit  on 
the  Lord's  day,  the  beloved  disciple  is  directed  by 
his  arisen  Lord,  to  write  of  the  contendings  and 
changes  of  empire. 

Believe  me,  brethren,  if  our  religion  is  of  the  right 
description,  and  exists  in  a  proper  measure,  we  shall 
certainly  be  enabled  to  contemplate  the  providence 
of  God  m  all  human  affairs,  and  apply  the  law  of 
God  to  questions  of  civil  polity,  without  either  en- 
dangering a  pious  frame  of  mind,  or  engendering  the 
evil  passions  of  worldly  politicians.  I  confess,  how- 
ever,  that  I  feel,  at  the  same  time,  for  the  infirmities 
of  the  weak;  and  should  be  disoosed  to  avnJH  .«^ 
thing  that  might  bav«  a  tendency  to  mr  their  feebte 


40 


THE  mmX  OF  J9iSCUSSlN» 


^vi^ion,  did  not  duty  require  of  the  ambassador* 
of.  a»ist,  to  apply  tbe  law  of.  their  God  to  all 
questions  of  practical  morality. 

. '  '     '  .  ' 

6.  Ol^eetifm.  "Preachers  are  usually  dicta^ 
rial,  and  opposed  to  the  religious  and  civil  liberties 
of  men.  It  is  painful  to  be  under  the  necessity  of 
publicly  contradicting  them,  and  it  is  therefore  bet- 
ter for  them  to  omii  political  remarks  in  the  pul- 
pit." 

Thft  babit  of  public  speaking  withovt  danger  of 
interruption,  or  imjnediate  opposition  to  the  decla- 
rations wbicfethey  make,  as  it  is  required  by  the  re- 
spect due  to  devotional  exercises,,  andenjoyed  by  the 
ministers  of  religion,  is  calculated  to  cherish,  upon 
iheir  part,  a  decision  of  eipression,  which  may  bor- 
der upon  the  dogmatic.    It  is  probable,  nevertheless, 
that  the  pulpit  orator  is,  usuaUy,  as  far  removed 
from  tliis  extreme,  as  the  members  of  the  senate,  or 
the  gentlemen  of  the  bar.    A  man  of  mind,  convin- 
ced himself  of  the  truth  of  his  assertions,  will,  in 
any  situation,  speak  with  an  air  of  confidence;  but 
there  is  no  necessity  of  his  treating  with  contumely 
the  sentiments  of  such  as  think  differently  from  him : 
and  it  is  especially  unbecoming  the  pulpit  to  affect 
contempt  for  the  persons  of  men.    If  it  be  a  fact, 
tbat  a  multitude  of  religious  instructers  are  found 
friendly  to  arbitrary  power,  and  to  an  illegitimate 
subserviency  of  church  to  state  polity,  it  is  surely  no 
good  reason  for  preventing  men,   who  understand 
_^j  ...1 *u^  ^inhia  hnfh  nf  God  and  man.  from 


I'UBLIC   AFFAIi.S. 


41 


pointing  out  the  duty  of  christians  in  relation  both 
to  ecclesiastical  and  ci^il  society.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  account  for  the  fact,  that  so  many  of  the  sacerdo- 
tal order  have  inclined  to  despotism,  and  yet  show, 
that  the  liberal  discussion  of  such  topics  from  the 
pulpit  is  truly  favourable  to  the  real  liberties  of 
inen. 


Licentiousness  is  as  remote  from  civil  liberty  as  is 
tyranny  itself.    The    righteousness  which   exalteth 
a  nation,  includes  intelligence  and  public  morality. 
No  moral  improvement  can  take  place  without  re- 
gard to  religion :  and  Christianity,  as  opposed  to  in- 
fidelity, to  superstition,  and  to  lawless  power,  is  einr 
phatically  the  religion  of  «  peace  upon  earth,  and  of 
good  will  towards  men."  It  is  the  religion  of  benevo- 
lence to  man,  as  well  as  piety  towards  God,  and  of 
course  the  only  «  perfect  law  of  liberty."    You  will 
allow  me  to  add,  that  no  means  whatever  can  b^ 
possibly  successful  in  finally  rescuing  from  usurp^i- 
tion  the  liberties  of  mankind,  and  of  purifying  and 
perpetuating  them,  without  the  aid  of  the  religion 
taught  by  the  Son  of  God.    This  alone  is  effectual 
in  changing  the  heart,  from  whence  proceed  the  am- 
bition and  the  strife  which  have  been  the  causes  botb 
of  arbitrary  domination  and  wasteful  wars  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.    When  I  shall  have  point- 
ed out  the  causes  which  incline  the  ministers  of  the 
church,  to  the  side  of  arbitrary  power  among  the  na- 
tions, I  shall  illustrate  this  sentiment  with  a  review 
of  facts,  and  so  conclude  my  apology  for  introdu- 


<? 


lllE  RICHT  OF  DIBCUSSinO 


1.  Accpunt  for  the  fact,  that  christian  ministcw 
slipuld,  in  despite  of  tlie  tendency  of  the  christian 
religion  to  favour  the  cause  of  civil  liberty,  be  often 
found  an^ong  the  supporters  of  the  interests  of  arbi- 
trary power. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected,  among  men  of  imperfect 
faculties  s^nd  of  like  passions  with  others,  that  they 
{Should  be  perfectly  conformed  to  the  divine  law, 
or  even,  in  every  case,  assimilated  to  the  examples 
which  divine  revelation  records  with  approbation. 
They  are  capable  of  being,  in  part,  affected  by  sur- 
rounding circumstances,  where  they  are  piously 
disposed ;  and,  it  is  not  to  be  questioned,  that,  in 
many  instances,  men  enter  into  the  ministry  with 
unsanctified  hearts,  as  the  means  of  proc:uring  a 
convenient  livelihood.  The  great  body  of  the 
priesthood  of  the  nations  will  accordingly  yield  t© 
the  force  of  circumstances,  and  there  are  found  go 
Qiany  exciting  causes  to  prejudice  the  mind  against 
civil  liberty,  that  it  is  easy  to  aci:ount  for  tiie  faei 
which  we  deplore. 

These  causes  are  to  be  found  in  the  ecclesiastical 
estilblishraents  of  the  nations — The  personal  ambi- 
tion of  ecclesiaatica — The  power  of  fear—^And  the 
inclination  to  propagate  their  own  x>pinions,  natliral 
to  all  men. 


First.     The  ecclesiastical  establishments  among 
the  nations,  secure  a  very  great  proportion  of  aM 

iliA  rlprorv  in   thn  rhristinn  wnrld.   iinnn   thn   side  c£ 


■o.r 


K7BLIC  AFFAIRS. 


# 


the  system  of  cinl  rule,  by  which  they  ar6  supported, 
many  of  them  in  great  splendour  and  opulence.  They 
are  them^ekes,  as  much  as  the  Egyptian,  Chaldean,  or 
Roman  hierarchies,  a  part  of  «ie  national  govei^h. 
ment,  and  as  such  identified  with  the  prevailing  des- 
potism.  They,  of  course,  and  also  as  many  as  can 
be  mfluenced  by  their  doctrine  and  example,  will  be 
disposed  to  coincide  with  tyrannical  power.* 

Second.    Personal  ambition  is,  everywhere,  in  a 
greater  or  less  degree,  to  be  found.    Clerical  ambi- 
tion  was  found  in  the  fipostolical  age,  and  it  has  ne- 
yer  yet  diminished;  but  still  continues  to  agitate  the 
churches.    That  civil  liberty,  which  offers  restraint 
to  ,ts  exercise,  and  which  denies  gratification  to  its 
desire^  will  not  receive  so  much  of  its  aid,  as  a  more 
splendid  and  powerful  system,  which  can  reward  ks 
sen^ices,.  by  rediicing  within  its  reach  the  objects 
which  It  IS  anxious  to  compass-rank,  influence,  and 
opulence.    Discerning  statesmen,  of  arbitrary  and 
ambitious  views,  vill  understand  their  meni  and  the 
«*nderstanding  becomes  mutual. 

*  «  Human  establishments  have  always  been  made  engines  of  state 
policy :  they  have  promoted  hypocrisy  and  infidelity-the  great 
evil  has  been  in  the  civil  magUtrate  usurping  the  throne  of  Christ 
and  exercising  spiritual  dominion-Here,"  i„  the  United  States! 
«  an  asylum  for  you,  our  brethren  of  the  ohl  world,  whose  lives 
are  embittered  by  the  cruel  impositions  of  men;  the  fruit  of  whose 
labours  go  to  support  /<»y  priests  andUixuriaits  princes  ;  who,  thouffh 
you  rise  early,  and  late  tak«  rest,  obtain  only  a  scanty  subsistence 
for  yourselves  and  families."    The  Blessims  ^  America,  a  .^^ 


f. 


u 


THE  RIGHT  OF   DISCUSSING 


Third.  The  fear  of  infidelity,  ruinous  ds  that 
system  is,  not  only  to  ecdesiastical  authority,  but  to 
good  morals,  and  4o  present  and  future  happinesi, 
has  driven  many  of  the  best  men  of  the  present  ago, 
into  an  ufthappy  attachment  to  the  doctrines  of  the  old 
antichristian  school.  Irreligion  formed,  especially  at 
the  commencement  of  the  French  revr; ,  '.:.  %,  a  tem- 
porary <;onnexion  with  liberty  against'  >  <iominion 
of  European  despotism ;  and  virtuous  minds,  not  capa- 
ble of  sufficient  discrimination,  rejected  liberty  on 
account  of  her  evil  associate.  Designing  men  looked 
upon  thd  tonnexion  with  pleasure,  as  affording  an 
opportunity  of  sounding  the  alarin^.  and  reducing 
into  discredit  the  oause  of  liberty,  as  if  inseparable 
from '  impiety  and  licentiousness.  Mini^^ters^  like 
btiiers,  took  the  alarm;  and  although  the  scriptures 
assure  us,  that  tio  other  evil  is  to  have  such  de- 
structive influence  in  the  church,  as  the  antichristian 
polity  of  superstitious  establishments,  they  spake, 
in  private^  and  from  the  pulpit,  as  if  democracy  and 
*  deism  were  the  only  calamity  to  the  church  of  God. 
Iti  the  course  of  a  few  years,  of  madness  and  misrule 
upon  the  part  of  France,  habits  of  opposition  to  revo- 
lutions, and  of  attachments  to  ancient  despotism,  have 
been  so  strongly  formed*  that,  even  now,  when  history 
proves  the  danger  to  have  be^n  visionary,  and  France 
has  actually  returned  to  her  ancient  boundaries,  and 
her  ancient  superstition,  under  her  former  race  of 
kings ;  the  practice  continues  of  presenting  liberty  ar- 
rayed in  the  garb  of  infidelity,  as  an  object  of  execra- 
iipn  and  universal  abhorrence.    Another  generation 


J!a   jU. 


Will  scarce jy  creuii  cinj  extent  ui  th&  panic  uniung  th€ 


PUBLIC   i^FFAIR«4 


M 


churches  of  the  reformation.    They  will  be  amazed 

on  learning  from  history,  that  distinguished  and  in- 

telligent  Protestants  in  our  own  country,  had  been 

driven  by  their  fears  of  Fi-ench  infidelity,  ^o  far  irito 

a  forgetfulness  of  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  and  of 

the  recent  struggles  which  established  their  national 

liberties,  as  to  hail  like  the  millenniura,  an  event 

which  tended  to  consolidate  European  despotisms ; 

which  restored  to  power  the  fnan  of  sin,  with  all  the 

gloomy  terrors  of  the  Roman  inquisition ;  and  which 

afforded  the  opportunity   to  their  ancien ;  foe,  of 

pouring  out  his  victorious  legions  upon  thur  own 

shores.  ,      . 

Fourth.    It  is  natural  for  men  to  express  their 
opinions  to  others ;  and  to  be  uneasy  under  restraint. 
Ministers  of  religion  are  as  much  disposed  as  any  of 
tbeir  fellow-citizens  to  propagate  their  own  senti- 
ments.   Their  habits  render  them  as  impatient,  un- 
der restraint,  and  of  opposition,  as  any  class  of  men. 
They,  of  course,  incline  to  those  political  partizani 
who  guarantee  and  encourage  the  exercise  of  their 
right.    When  they  open  their  bibles,  they  discover 
political  precepts  which  they  are  to  expoimd.    Jf 
the  friends  of  freedom  should,  under  misappreben- 
sion,  manifest  an  unwillingness  to  permit  such  expo- 
sition, and  their  political  opponents  by  evejy  means 
encourage  it,  a  prejudice  must  immediately  arise  in 
favour  of  tlie  latter.    Unhappily  for  our  country,    " 
this  IS  very  generally  the  case.    And  yet,  however 
obvious  the  effect  produced  by  these  causes,  sepa- 
rate  or  combined,  Jt  18  anusrepresentation  of  the 


4^ 


THB  RfOHt  OP  DISCUSSING 


y4 


most  ittjudlicioiis  and  unjust  description,  to  class  the 
ministers  of  Christianity  indiscriminately  among  the 
enemies  of  civil  freedom.  Real  religion  is  the  best 
friend  of  rational  liberty. 

2.  History  vindicates  the  character  of  christian 
ministers,  and  holds  them  up  to  view,  as  furnishing, 
in  every  age,  some  instances  of  the  most  intrepid 
and  successful  resistance  to  the  foes  of  freedom. 


..^ 


We  do  not  carry  you  back,  for  proofs  of  this  as- 
sertion, to  the  ages  of  inspiration ;  for  the  time  would 
fail  me  to  tell  of  Gideon  and  Barak,  and  of  Sam- 
son, and  of  Jephthah>;  of  David  also,  and  Samuel,  and 
rf  the  prophets:  who,  through  faith  subdued  king- 
doms, wrought  righteousness,  obtained  j;)romise^i 
stopped  the  mouths  of  lions,  quenched  the  violence 
of  fire,  escaped  the  edge  of  the  sword,  out  of  weiik^ 
niess  were  made  strong,  waxed  valiant  in  fight,  turned 
to  flight  the  armies  of  the  aliens.*  Nor  do  we  refer 
you  to  the  history  of  theMaccabeanbrethren,  who  sig- 
nalized their  zeal  and  their  constancy,  against  the  ty- 
rant Antiochus,  m  defence  of  the  liberty  and  religion 
dT  their  country.  The  story  of  more  recent  times, 
makes  us  acquainted  with  miiisters  of  Christianity, 
who  vindicated  the  cause  of  God  and  mail  at  the  peril 
of  their  lives,  against  the  encroachments  and  preten- 
sions of  arbitrary  power.  In  the  era  of  the  reformation, 
it  was  by  the  aid  of  christian  divines,  that  men  became 
acquainted  with  their  saCred  rights :  Zuihglius,  and 


*Heb.  11.  32—34. 


.PDBUC  AIFAIRS. 


*f 


Xmther.  and  ti.lvin,  and  Knox,  like  Mowe.  who/ear, 
td  mtOtewr^ik  of  the  king,  said  to  the  enslavew  of 
«iw  brethren,  let  mypeopkgoj  and  in  the  worts  of 
Samuel,  wheu  Saul  had  rent  his  mantle,  the  Lord 
^H  '"t  'i'  'l^?S'lomfrom  thee,  did  they  yentu,«.to 
address  both  kwgs  and  emperors.    Who  more  va- 
lorous in  restoring  the  liberUes  of  Holland;  in  con- 
quenngth^  veterans  of  Alva;    and  in    resisti.^ 
Philip  the  tyrant,  than  the  thousands   who  wejS 
under  the  ministry  of  their  patriotic  and  faithful  pas- 
tors, before  the  gates  of  Antwerp  and  Haerlep,. 
Throughout  the  several  provinces  of  the  Netbeiv 
lands,  the  founders  of  that  famous  republic  were  ac^ 
customed  to  meet  in  arms,  to  hear  sermons  from 
preachers  for  whose  heads  rewards  were  in  vain  of- 
fered by  the  foes  of  liberty  and  truth.    Scotland,  the 
ongiml  eomtry  of  the  whios,  led  on  by  her  fiiithfiil 
pastoiB  introduced  the  name  and  the  spirit  into 
England;  and.  by  the  aid  of  the  Puritan  ministers, 
succeeded  m  the  temporary  reformation  of  both  the 
sanctuary  and  the  throne,    To  these  advocates  of  li. 
berty.  the  British  empire  stands  to  this  day  under  ob- 
ligation for  all  the  freedom  enjoyed  by  the  consUlu- 
tion.   In  encouraging  and  effecUng  the  American  re- 
volution, the  exertions  and  influence  of  christian  mi- 
nisters, m  the  pulpit,  in  the  congress,  and  in  the  field.    ' 
were  felt  and  duly  appreciated:  and  there  are  yet 
among  our  own  pastors,  men,  who,  in  despite  of  the 
baleful  influence  of  party  spirit,  feel  the  force  of  piety 
and  patriotism,  and  remember  their  duty  to  the  cause 
ot  equity  their  country,  and  their  God.    If  the  rights 
a.»^  ««^*«^p  „4  uas  great  ^m  growing  empire  are 


■t. 


48 


TFK  RIGHT  OV  DIfiCUSSINO,    &C. 


doomed  to  perish,  their  last  abode  will  be  found  along 
the  side  of  the  pulpits  of  the  ministers  of  religion. 
There  are  men,  in  that  sacred  otBce,  who  would, 
in  such  a  case,  use  upon  better  principles  than  did 
the  Roman  orator,  the  words  which  he  put  on  the 
lips  of  his  distinguished  client,  Titus  Annius  Milo, 
«« I  will  withdraw,  and  retue  into  exile :  if  I  cannot 
be  a  member  of  a  virtuous  commonweaWi,  it  will  l)e 
some  satisfaction  not  to  Jive  in  a  bad  one ;  and,  as 
soon  as  I  set  foot  in  a  well-regulated  and  free  slate, 
there  will  I  fix  my  abode — qutm^rimum  tetigero  bene 
moratam  et  lihtram civitaiemf  in  eaconquiescatn.*^  But, 
no?  Liberty  shall  not  perish!  The  daughter  of  Zion 
rejoices  in  her  fellowship*  Peace  and  prosperity 
shall  hereafter  visit  our  land,  and  dwell  in  our  habi- 
tations. The  Lord  hasten  it  in  his  own  time,  and 
unto  hhn  be  glory  in  Christ  Jesus,  world  without 
end»    Amen. 


;*S 


1$$ 


'       s 


THE  MORAL  CHARACTER  OP  THE  TWO 
B£tLIG£R£NTS. 


'  ■  SBHMON  II. 

TiKEt;  7W  art  weighed  in  the  balances,  md  art 
found  watuing.    Dan.  v.  27. 

H^ff'r^r '""*""*  '"''  pronounced  by  .  p«. 
pliet  of  God,  upon  one  of  the  most  splendid  Md 
powerful  monarcbies  fbat  ever  existed.  At  a  v^ 
critical  period,  and  under  circumstence,  of  tbe  mort 
alarming  kind,  Daniel  ventured  to  proclaim  this  un- 

rrl^fXMea.'^'"'^*''^^'-'""^'''''"'--'^"*' 

» 

r:»!*'*",T'  ""^  ^"^"^^  of  the  Greek  bisto- 

SraT^H  N-r  •'"  ^'''^■^'^'^-'  ^^  «=  queen,  the 
celebrated  Nitocns,  now  sat  upon  the  throne  of  m 

buchadnez^a^  bis  grandfethei,  and  tbe  most  femoui  ' 

of  the  kings  of  Babylon.    It  was  on  the  17th  year  of 

vrrsarlT'f':i'  f '""'"'"'  "''^'  ='"''  °"  '^  »»"i- 
^aiy  of  a  festival  sacred  to  the  idol-god.  Sheshaoh. 

«mt  Belshazzar  ordered  an  entertainment  for  hi. 
^^__  _,„^,  ,„  „,g  spacious  iiaiig  of  bis  proad 


m- 


^fm 


QO 


THE  MORAL  CHARACPIR  OT 


palace.  He  forgot,  amidst  his  wine,  and  his  reveFrf, 
that  he  was  in  a  besieged  city.  For  two  years  ha* 
the  united  armies  of  the  far-famed  Cyrus  of  Per- 
•ia,  and  of  his  uncle  Darius  the  iVIede,  laid  siege  to 
Babylon,  the  most  magnificent  metropolis  of  the 
world.  Babylon,  covering  a  square  of  sixty  milea 
circumference,  watered  by  the  great  river  Euphrates, 
Burrounded  by  a  wall  of  eighty-seven  feet  in  thickness^ 
and  of  corresponding  height,  strengthened  by  three 
hundred  towers  of  defence,  and  pn»visioned  for  ma- 
ny years,  proudly  frowned  upon  the  thousands  of 
Media,  and  Persia,  who*  hitherto  in  vain,  were  en- 
deavouring its  overthrow. 


1  ( 


Belshazzar,  while  he  tasted  the  rvine,  commanded  the 
golden  vessels,  taken  from  the  house  of  God  in  Jeru- 
salem, to  be  brought  to  him.    With  polluted  lips, 
he,  his  princesy  his  wives,  and  his  concuhines,  dranK 
from  the  sacred  relics  of  Zion's  fonner  greatness,. 
and  praised  the  gods  of  goUy  and  of  silver,  of  brass, 
ff  irm,  of  wood,  and  of  slme,    A  brilliant  candle- 
stick, with  its  many  lights,  the  rays  of  which  were 
ifeflecied  fh)m  innumerable  mirrors*    is  suspended 
from  the  ceiling;  and  all  within  the  palace  is  mirth 
and  song.    But,  at  once,  the  king  of  Babylon  trem- 
bles.   The  paleness  of  death  sat  upon  his  counte- 
nance.   The  joints  of  his  loins  were  loosed ;  and  his 
knees  smote  one  against  another.    The  whole  assem- 
bly fell  into  disorder.    There  was  a  cause.    Fingers, 
unconnected  vvith  mortal  hand,  appear  on  the  wall 
over  against  the,  candlestick,  and  there,  in  writings 
tK^,,  lii-ivf.  thp*  indelible  sentence  which  Daniel  the 


»*y^ 


THE  TWO   BELLIOKRENTS. 


m 


prophet  was  summoned  to  inlerpret-MEiri,  Menj; 
ricKKL,  UpHARsm.  He  hath  numbered,  he  hath  nunh 
bcredy  he  hath  weighed,  they  divide.  The  King  pf 
heaven  hath  numbered  the  days  of  Chaldean  powers 
He  liath  numbered  them  completely—The  Judge  of 
the  earth  hath  weighed  in  (he  scale  of  moral  estima- 
tion, this  government-The  Medes  and  Persians  di- 
vide and  destroy  the  empire.  -^ 

That  night  the  interpretation  was  verified.  The 
Medes  and  Persians  took  the  city,  and  massacred  its 
nobles.  The  sun  of  Babylon  set  to  rise  no  raorp. 
It  is  now  but  a  tale  that  is  told.  Sic  transit  gloria 
mundi.  Human  power  is  evanescent ;  but  t^e  word 
of  the  Lord  endureth  for  ever.  The  hand-writing  upon 
the  wall  shall  not  be  forgotten :  the  words  are  copied 
into  our  bibles :  thej  shall  be  repeated  over  all  the 
Jc'ngdoms  of  the  nations,  unto  people  of  every  kindred 
and  tongue :  and  the  maxims  which  they  lay  down, 
^a!l,  in  their  full  import,  be  applied  to  other  times. 

Tbkel,  Thou  art  weighed  in  the  balances. 

The  same  balances  still  remain  in  the  hand  of  the 
Judge  of  the  universe— Nations  still  exist— and  the 
ministers  of  religion,  like  the  prophet  of  God,  stiU    . 
interpret  the  divine  will. 

Acting  upon  this  authority,  I  procee^"^  '^^'^'** 
before  your  eyes,  in  the  balance  9^^*^  sanctuary, 
mE  British  monarchy  and  the^''**^^^  REPtiBtui. 


/ 


y 


/ 


.-<: 


^ 


d2 


THE   If  ORAL  OHAHACTER  OF 


To  each,  in  its  tttrfi,  I  say,  Tekhl.  In  the  estimatei 
which  T  make,  of  the  morar  charact^  of  each  6f 
these  belligerents,  I  desire  to  exercise  the  impartiali* 
ty  ^  a  visitant  from  another  world.  Of  those  things 
which  are  essential  to  the  formation  of  a  correct 
judgment,  I  would,  designedly. 


li.i 


**  Keep  nothing  back, 

"  Nor  aught  set  down  in  malice/* 

Seeing  it  is  not  as  a  statesmen,  a  historian,  or  a 
^ilosophfir,  but  as  a  christian  divine,  and  with  9 
i^ifT  to  particular  practical  questions,  I  am  now 
bbund  to  Exhibit  their  character,  it  will  not  be  ex- 
liected  that  I  should  describe  the  state  of  literature 
in  t^  two  countries;  that  I  should  attend  to  their 
^tainments  in  the  sciences  or  the  useful  arts  ;  that  I 
i^QUld  give  an  account  of  their  respective  meana 
and  strength ;  that  I  should  enter  into  a  detail  of  the 
domestic  economy  or  general  manners  of  the  peo- 
ple; or,  that  I  should  describe  the  state  of  the 
churches,  and  the  spirit  of  their  public  laws,  other- 
wise, than  as  essentially  necessary  to  an  estimate  of 
the  comparative  goodness  of  the  two  governments 
which  are  opposed  in  war. 

The  controversy,  to  be  decided  by  the  sword,  is 

fact  between  the  two  governments,  although  up- 

^^  ^  -lions  immediately  affecting  the  members  of 

each  coh.  ^^^.^^     Independently,  however,  of  the 

meiits  of  the  .  ,^  ^^^  ^j^j^j^  ^^^  jg  ^^^^^^  j^  jg  i„. 

ic*^sung  iof  tiie  ci.e,^i^j,  t^^n,^j^j,stand  the  charac- 


THE  TWO  BBLLIOXRBNT0. 


53 


ter  of  the  parties  in  the  contest.    By  contempJl^tJiig 
these,  in  the  light  of  the  divine  law,  we  shall  be  able 
to  determine  which  has  the  least  degree  of  the  di^ 
?ine  disapprobation,  and  to  which,  of  course,  the  af- 
fections of  the  friends  of  God  should  most  forcibly 
tend.    There  is  a  sense  in  which  christians  are  not 
numbered    among   the    nations.     As  members    of 
Christ's  kingdom,  which  is  not  of  this  world,  as  sub- 
jects  to  the  Sovereign  Governor  of  all  nations,  they 
are  not  to  be  influenced  by  partiality  to  country,  so 
much  as  by  ^correct  tiews  of  the  righteousness  or 
iniquity  which  may  belong  to  the  constitutions  of  oii. 
tional  power. 

The  cmstiiutions  of  government  as  reduced  to  prae- 
hce,  are,  m  this  case,  the  proper  objects  of  examiha^ 
tion.  To  these,  as  it  respects  the  two  belligerents,  I 
now  direct  your  attention,  while  Iplace  then^ln  the 
balances  in  the  name  of  the  Judge  of  the  world. 

I  begin  at  home,  with, 

I.  The  national  government  of  the  United  States 

The  sin  of  a  nation  is  the  aggregate  of  all  the 
transgressions  committed  by  individuals  in  that  na- 
tion :  but  these  are  properly  tuaUmal  sins,  which  are 
notorious,  prevalent,  and  characteristic.  I  speak  not 
however  of  the  nation  at  large,  but  of  i.a  consti- 
tuted authorities,  and  therefore  attenionly  to  ad- 

THORIZED   SIHS.*  "  utr    .    / 

*The  following  remark,,  made  i,p.d*«,e  Brili*  nttioii  bv  . 
«.,«...ble.ndpi.a.dW«e.f.becZ,horE.g..^,".;;;™'J;:.: 


THE  ViokAh  cIlARACtER  6v 


'The  public  immoralities  of  tlie  constitution  oli  our 
federal  gof  eriiment,  may,  although  more  numerous 
in  detaii,  be  classed  under  two  heads,  viz.  Disrty 
spect^for  Ood' — tind  violation  (f  human  liberty.  By 
the  teriiis  of  the  iiatioEml  compact,  God  is  not  at  alt 
^^^  acknowledged,  and  holding  men  in  slavery  is  author- 
ized.   Both  these  are  evils. 


^^Tl&iih^^. 


1.  Ood  is  not  acknowledged  by  the  constitution, 
in  a  federative  government,  erected  over  several 
distinct  and  independent  states,  retaining  each  th<& 
power  of  local  legislation,  it  is  not  to  be  expected 
that  specific  provision  should  be  made  for  the  inter- 
ests of  religion  in 'particular  congregations.  The 
fenerai  government  is  erected  for  the  general  good 
f  t^  United  States,  and  especially  for  the  manag#^ 
^6iit  of  their  foreign  concerns :  but  no  association  of 
inen  ipor  moral  purposes  can  be  justified  in  an  entire 

ly  to  this  country.  *'  The  rauUipUcity  of  oaths  which  are  interwo- 
ven into  almost  every  branch  of  public  basiness,  involves  thousands 
in  the  habitual  guilt  of  perjury,  which  perhaps  may  eminently  be 
etjled  our  nationa^l  sin.  The  frequency  of  oaUis,  the  ijrreverent  man- 
tier  in  which  they  are  administered,  and  the  impunity  with  which 
they  are  broken,  have  greatly  contributed  to  weaken  the  sense  of 
every  tnoral  obligation,  and  to  spread  a  desolate  and  daring  spirit 
through  the  land.  The  proftinatioft  of  iM  Lord's  day,  drunkenness, 
profane  swearing,  are  contrary,  nOt  only  to  thia  precept  of  scripture, 
-hut  to  (he  laws  of  the  land ;  mid  yet  could  hardly  be  mor?  pi-eva- 
ient  if  there  were  no  statutes  in  force  against  them.  Very  few  ma- 
sistrates  are  concerned  to  enforce  the  observation  of  these  laws; 
and,  if  private  persons  sometimes  attempt  it  by  information,  they 
tneet  Hat  little  success ;  they  obtain  but  little  thanks.  The  acts  of 
pleading,  the  minutsBs  and  niceties  of  forms,  are  employed  to  eatao. 
gle  or  discourage  theniy  and  to  skreen  offenders.'^ 

^  Nemtm's  Works,  Phil.  1 792.  Vol  V,  page  306. 


THE  FIEDERAI,  CONmTUTlCUr. 


5S 


negl^i  <tf  the  Sovereign  of  |he  world.    Statesmen 
m  this  country  had  undoubtedly  in  their  eye  the 
abuse  of  religion  for  mere  political  purposes,  which 
m  the  nations  of  the  old  world,  had  corrupted  the 
^nctuary,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  the  persecution 
of  godly  men.    The  principal  writers,  upoii  govern- 
raent,  friendly  to  the  cause  of  cil^il  liberty  in  the  king- 
doms of  Europe,  had  generally  advocated  principles, 
which,  m  their  application,  have  led,  upon  the  part  of 
civilians,  to  a  disrespect  for  religion  itself;  and  these 
principles  had  no  small  influence  upon  the  founders  of 
this  republic.    This  was  the  case  in  a  remarkable  de^ 
gree  with  the  continental  politiciins;  nor  are  Sydney 
and  Locke  to  be  entirely  exempted  from  the  charge. 
In  the  overthrow  of  those  particular  establishment^ 
favourable  to  the  church  of  England,  which  existed 
here  before  the  revolution,  it  was  natural,  considefv 
1^  the  state  of  religious  information  in  the  commu^ 
mty,  to  go  to  an  opposite  extreme.    But  no  consi- 
deration will  justify  the  framers  of  the  federal  con- 
stitwtipn,  aiid  the  administration  of  the  government, 
m  withholding  a  recognition  of  the  Lord  and  his 
Anointed  from  the  grand  charter  of  the  nation.    On 
our  daily  bread,  we  ask  a  blessing.    At  our  ordina- 
ry meals,  we  acknowledge  the  Lord  of  the  world.     , 
We  begin  our  last  testament  for  disnosing  of  world- 
ly estates,  in  the  name  of  God:  and  shall  we  be 
gmltless,  with  the  bible  in  our  hands,  to  disclaim  the 
christian  religion  as  a  body  politic?* 

f..„V^  r  ^  *''""' """  ^^'  ^'^"  '''^''*"^'  ^y  •"^°  ^»»»  h«<^  *he  oppor- 
tunity of  knowing  the  fact,  that  Ben!an«n  p^^nt-  ..^.^.^  .^ 

tue  coaventlon,  the  introduction  into  ^e  constitutbo/pfTa  a^iol^ 


,"'■     ■    !*• 


4S6 


tm  MCH^AIi  CHARACTER  or 


2i  The  con^tiiutioB  of  our  goTernment  recognize 
tile  practice  of  holding  men,  without  being  coir?]fiM 
of  any  of^nce  against  society,  in  perpetual  slavery » 

This  evil,  prohibited  by  the  divine  law,  Exod.  xxi 
16;  And  he  thai  stealeth  a  man,  and  seUelh  him,  or  if 
he  he  found  in  his  hand,  he  shall  surely  beput  to  death,* 
is  equally  inconsistent  with  what  is  said,  in  the  decla- 
ration of  American  independence,  to  be  a  self-evi- 
dent truth.  The  words  of  that  very  valuable  docu- 
ment, are  as  follow,  "We  hold  these  truths  to  be 
f elf-evident — that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that 
Ihey  are  endowed  by  the  Creator  with  certain  una- 
lienable rights;  that,  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness — That  to  secure  these 
rights  governments  are  instituted  among  men."  la 
direct  opposition  to  these  self-evident  maxims,  the 
constitution  provided  for  the  continuance  of  the 
slave-trade  until  the  year  1308,  and  it  still  provides 
for  the  continuance  of  slavery  m  i)m  free  country. 
It  even  gives  to  the  slave-holder  an  influence,  in  le- 

proressing  sbbmlssion  to  tbe  Lord,  and  that  he  was  oTemiled,  the  sin 
and  thp  reproach  on  the  part  of  his  opponents  is  the  greater.  It  i| 
certainly  true,  that  an  administration,  often  said  to  be  more  friendly 
to  Christianity,  than  that  which  has  recently  existed,  has  disclaimed 
that  religion  in  the  following  words :  viz.  "  The  government  of  the 
United  Stales  is  not^  in  any  sen,:  i,  founded  on  the  christian  religion.  It 
heb:  in  itself,  no  character  of  entnUy  against  the  laws  or  religion  of 
Mmsultnen.'^ 

Tripol.  Treaty^  Art.U.  U.  S.  Lam,  Vol  IV. 

This  treaty,  ratified  in  the  year  1707,  was  thereby  made  the  su^ 
preme  law  of  the  land.  Const.  Art.  6.  Std.  2.  In  a  discourse  publish* 
^  In  1 803,  the  author  has  vindicated  Ckrisi's  potver  over  me  naiiom^ 

*  The  author  published  a  discourse  on  this  text,  in  1802. 


-■P*"BV'  Wml^S^yi^f^^ 


t-y-:J?% 


THE  FftOMUrt.  flOVIQRirMEJrr. 


47 


gisdiitioD,  proportioned  to  the  number  of  his  fellow- 
amilie  holds  in  bondage.*  ^  ^ 

For  these  national  immoralities,  I  am  bound,  at|i> 
mmjster  of  the  gospel,  who  deriyes  his  politics  from 
the  bible.t  to  pronounce  upon  this  government  the 
jentence  of  my  test,-TEKEL,  Thou  art  weighed  in  the 
taimces,  and  art  found  wanting. 

Let  me  not  be  understood,  however,  as  conveying 
toe  Idea,  that  the  other  belligerent  is  not  faulty  in 
these  respects.  Great  Britain  set  the  example  to  her 
coloniesi  of  prosecuting  the  slave-trade.  She  still 
retains  m  her  numerous  province^  thousands  in  ab- 
ject bondage.  A  few  good  men.  after  the  repealed, 
ttie  contmual  exertion  of  yeara  ia  the  British  Par- 
tmment.  obtained  at  last  a  vietbry  honourable  to 
aienwelves  and  to  the  cause  of  humanity,  in  finally 

ClZt  ^T."""""".""""^'"'*  St..e.d«l.«,.A,..I.Sect  8. 

Atd.„d«gh      Art.t.Sect:2.Claa«3.  H<pr««,ti«„,,\„d  dt- 

r L^r?.?    ^u^  •Pl^'»»«'  •"■""g  ««  «««!  stole,  which  m.y 
be  ..cludrf  Within  thi,  „m„„,  „„„rii„g  ,„  .fc,;,  ,  ,         ^ 

be«,  whi*h  .hall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  while  numi^r  of 
/r«  ^r*»«-three-finh.  of  all  Mer  persons. 

t"  m  iibk  is  vy  sjf^tm  tf  ,»Mto.  There  I  read,  that  tb« 
Lojd  «,gn, ,  that  he  doth  what  he  plea.eth  in  the  arn>ie.  of  heaven' 
and  among  the  inhabitant,  of  the  earth,  that  no  wi.dom,  under- 
standing,  conn.el,  or  power,  on  prevaU  without  bis  blearing ,  that 
a.  nghteou.n«.  exalteth  .  nation,  «,  .in  i,  the  reproach,  and  will' 
'.euioiaiiy  oe  the  riiln,  of  any  people."  _  Ifmlm." 

» 


:h 


-H 


H", 


T^:  HOWIE '  emmmxfm  mf. 


i^boUfl^qgiihe  Allrlc»n  Irdiiii.;  Mt  Ibose  mured  feOf 
^e,  aii^dy  in  diu-aoGe,  h^v#  qq  bope  of  relesMcloi: 
tbea»;elvei|'  br  for  their  ofllpKiiig.  Slavery  is  a  Ua^k« 
%T\\e  iflheritanpe  left  to  America  by  her  royal  9tepr, 
Hiotber,  whose  iiyustice  produced  the  J^eTpluiioil.; 

-  On  the  scoie  of  religion,  it  is  better  to  v^egUcti  than 
to  prostitute  the  church  of  Godr  JE£pre,  the  fr ainifi 
€i  our  law  have  said  to  the  daughter  of  Zion,  <<der 
part  from  our  coqnfils.  A  few  of  us  lo?e  iky  cause; 
but  theire  tre  some  who  hate  It ;  and  th^  greater  pari 
are  indifferent  about  the^  Go,  seek  thy  way  unin^er? 
i^pted  through  the  land.  Thou  art  free  to  pumi« 
Ibe  n^t  desirable  ,frourse:  but  upon  our  aiid  tbtiu 
i^iust  not  calcuhite/*  There^  polHIcal  ipehfbcihfeM 
the  christian  rau8e  with  an  eye  that  seeks  to  mak& 
gain  *of  ev^ry  olbjf ii^  withio  its  reach.  The  stated 
man  said,  "Come,  daughter  of  Zion».  %mi  raupl 
bear  my  yoke;  thou  must  be  my  servant;  thou 
OHist  {jroraote  my  interest ;  and  shouldst .  thou 
refill  iny  mandates^  thou  shall  fitter  for.  thy 
fidelity  to  Jehovah.  "Whatever  the  bible  may 
teach,  it  is  my  business  to  establish  such  a  sym 
tern  of  religion  as  best  suits  my  own  political  pUi^ 
yhis  is  my  determination.'* 

Kotn^thstanding,  therefore,  the  irreligion  of  the 
general'cbnstitution  of  our  government,  the  church  of 
God  is,  in  this  country,  upon  a  better  footing,  as  it  re- 
spects the  national  power,  than  in  any  other  country 
Uppn  earth.  Nay,  under  existing  circumstances,  it  is 
^^iMcicyji  tuaiurdq  Qfis  soofciereci  jt  iji  biepfovideijci^. 


'^-  *<WB  *RiTiaii  OOinWfllBllT.  If 

iMi^ti,  ^  the  deseripttett  tftf  Hkise  who  alv^teiiM 
fet>e*^ferto6ngtlife  nation*,  hwfeiK^^ 
to  interfere  wi(h%cclesidstieal  polity,  and  to  eiusttk^ 
•orereignty  over  the  conseiences  of  men*  intheir  4>^ 
tiiaf  concerns.    White  wfe  reprobate  the  infi^Ul^ 
of  the  national  compact,  we  rejoice  in  the  measuM 
of  religious  liberty  which  we  enjoy;  ^d  i^fede^e- 
feate  any  atteiiipts  ut)on  the  part  bf  political  ineii, 
Who  do  not  understand  the  doctrines  and  the  order 
of  the  christian  church,  to  imitate  the  corrupt  exam- 
t^  of  Uggah  the  son  of  Abinadab,  who  appUod  int 
band  to  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  or  of  kings  iSbiil 
mdAxariaki  who,  without  authority,  offered  sacr^ 
flee  and  buraed  incense  before  the  Lord^  and  wm 
accordingly  punished  as  guilty.* 

II;  I  now  proceed  to  examine  The  moral  chUrmi^ 
if  the  BrMsh  CohstituHon: 

It  is  not  my  design,  in  this  examination,  to  «ve 
Oie  history  of  this  system  of  government,  the  foun* 
dation  of  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  rude  and  Isir- 
^ous  institutions  of  the  ancient  Germans,!  oi*  to 
dt^neate  its  several  checks  and  balances,  in  the  distif. 
bution  of  power,  according  to  its  present  prac«c4 
However  instructive  to  the  civilian  such  a  review,  it 
would  not  comport  with  the  place  in  which  1  sb^ak 
er  with  the  object  which  I  contemplate.    Upbn  if 


*  1  Sam.  xiii.  10—13.  2  Chron.  xxri.  16—21. 
t  Stuart's  Hist.  Digs,  concerning  the  English  GonstituUo*, 


'J!-*^'* 
/' 


m 


'mKWOmAh  CHARAOTIR  m 


f  l«4oim  and  Us  mighl,  Ua  stability  aiKl  its  |^n«^i«iiry 
||t  others,  freely  and  fully  decant :  it  is  my  busioeiyi 
io  pls^  1^  in  f tbe  balances,  in  order  to  ascertain  U4 
«EiaraI  worth  before  my  Gojd  and  bis  church.  TskeIik; 
M^k$ih  weighed  U.  And  by  Us  word  we  detennln^ 
ka  character. 


^  c^Hfi  BRITISH  GOYERNMENT,  as  It  now  exists,  is  » 
despotic  usurpation-^ A  superstUioui  combinaUoH  ^ 
&ml  and  ecclesiastical  power — A  branch  <^  the  grand 
antichrisiian  (fvostacy^r^Mrastian  in  its  constituH^n 
and  administration -^Eoid  Cruel  injts  poUf^.  Ji  H 
therefore,  a  throne  of  iniquity,  of  which  neither  God^ 
nor  godly  men,  who  understand  it,  can  apinrove^^  Tbl9 
is  a  heavy  charge ;  fciit  it  is  not  unjust :  U"!  do  not  sup- 
port every  article  of  it  with  sufficient  documentary 
testimony V  it  is  not  because  I  have  not  abundance  of 
this  at  my  command.  I  lay  some  of  the  evidence  be- 
fore you.  The  impartial  will  say  it  is  enough.  There 
is  no  need  of  comment  It  is  selected  from  unques- 
tionable  auUiorities,  or  in  itself  notorious.  i. 


1..  Tlie  British  government,  in  the  present  practice 
of  the  constitution,  is  not  a  fair  representation  qfthf 
peqpU  over  whom  its  power  is  exercised.  .4,, 

There  are  only  three  ways  by  which  one  set  of  men 
acquire  powsr  over  others — ^By  divine  authority,  by 
the  election  of  the  people  to  be  governed,  or  by  usur- 
pation.   Usurped  authority,  maintained  as  well  as 


•  >■; ' 


%M^^M' 


TH«  BRiTin  eoTinRHnrr. 


M» 


oj^fy  acquired  by  &«».  fe  i,„™o«il.    Dirfae 
nght  caanot  be  pleaded  without  a  divine  rarehtkwM 
support  ,t;  it  follows  of  course  that  the  «|,dj«  ^ 
ine  subject  is  necessary  in  the  constitution  of  ciM» 
orter,  to  confer  te^timate  authority  upon  the  rulfe 
lUe  blood  royaV  "the  ancient  soyerei™."  «the* 
nghts  of  the  crown  »  « the  throne  of  his  ancestoi^" 
•re  ail  fine  and  captivatuig  expressions  from  the  lips 
ot  an  orator,  to  amuse  and  deceive  the  thouehttew^ 
but  have  they  any  meaning?  Do  they  convey  any 
Idea  worthy  of  a  man  of  sense  and  magnanimity. 
Have  they  any  aBurements  for  a  good  christian? 
«o;    They  are  only  dazzling  ornaments  without  so- 
,d,ty  and  without  worth.  I  Jay  it  down  as  an  ariom 
•n  political  morality,  that  true  represehtatiob  is 
MsiNmi,  TO  tAWFci  power;  and  that  in  all  eases  in 
whKh  the  Deity  does  not  immediately  inteipose  U, 
appomt  the  depositaries  of  power,  the  choice  of  a 
reiwesentative  belongs  to  the  members  of  the  com- 
mumty.    Divide  power  as  you  will;  make  the  arm 
of  authority  weak  or  strong,  as  suits  your  purpose-, 
caU  your  chief  magistrate  King.  Consul.  Emperor; 
President,  Governor,  or  whatsoever  else  you-  please  • 
form  your  legislative  councils  of  one  or  of  many 
chambers;  let  your  courts,  your  judges,  your  offi- 
cera  of  Jaw,  be  many  or  few;  but  maintain  the  prin- 
oi^e  of  representation  inviolate ;  for  a  remeSeiwa- 

nVE  OEMOCBACr   IS  THE  ORDIHASCE  OP  GoB. 

The  representative  system  is  supported  by  the  ttu- 
monty  ,f  common  seme-by  decisions  of  scripture- 
's IM  eeatral  voice  of  the  nations  of  the  earth. " 


1 1 


Tm^  uomkh  mAnkxyrm  m 


>iWkvU-Mtm,  with  eommonitttlse  as  their  guide,  in 
itf  |lli>  toiwitary  Hsiooialions  which  they  f&tm,  aci 
iipoi|thiiii>riiiciplei  *     ^ 


.  ^  - 


I   r 


4Ph6y  appoint  their  chairman,  tbehr  scribe,  their 
tfsasurer^  their  managers,  their  committees,  at  plea^' 
mm.  In  all  free  cities;  in  all  benevolent  tostitu* 
tions^  whether  composed  of  males  or  females ;  in  all 
flseelings  for  the  diffusion  of  literary  knowledge,  f<lr 
hHartiy,  or  for  business,  this  is  the  common  course  of 
procedure:  and  why  deny  the  application  of  com- 
mon seme  to  national  associations  for  the  mainte* 
nance  ol  order  under  municipal  law,  and  the  defence 
of :  the  state  from  foreign  violence  ? 

■  1  •  • "  ^  ■  ■  '  ■  ::,-:,  hit 

'  Secoftid.  Divine  revelation  inculcates  and  exem- 
plifies the  system  of  representation. 

ISod  des^with  us,  upon  a  knowledge  of  the  frame 
of  our  minds  and  the  character  of  our  faculties ;  and 
he  4^<'^^s  us,  sO»ialsQ,  to  deal  one. with  another.  The 
representative  system  appears  in  ike  two  great  m^ 
tabUskmmis  ofheawoy  in  relation  to  mankind, — ^^  co« 
y&iAWS  OP  WORKS  and  the  covErt aht  of  grace.  There 
is  n  mtdural  body<,  and  ikere  is  a  spiritual  body.  And 
SQ  it  vi  written.  The  first  man,  Adam,  was  made  a 
Um^smdf  She  last  Adam  was  made  a  quickening  qn* 
rit^  The  first  man  is  of  the  earth,  earthy;  the  second 
man  is  the  JLordfrom  heaven.  And  as  is  the  earthy, 
sueh  ure  ihey  also  that  are  earthy;  and  as  is  the  hea- 
veniy,stt€h  are  they  also  that  are  heavenly,* 

>»■♦■-«■  ... 

*  1  Oor.  xr.  44— 4«. 


.--g.- 


TUB,  BfUTIfeiil  CiOVICillfaiBMX. 


#3 


^^tbe  adminiatrationg  of  dirine  grace,  Mwdf  ai 
to  the  farmalion  oC  hii  coienant,  Jehovah  dkeeli 
hittnan  society  by  his  holy  word  to  »ct  upon  tb* 
principle  of  repreficntation ;  and  be  guaranteei^  % 
mm  right,  to  that  part  of  the  rational  family,  who 
are  pecuharly  under  hi»  care,  a  syntem  of  weial^ 
df»r.  corresponding  therewith.    Ahhough  he  appoyOt 
tcctesiasUcal  officers,  he  gives  the  right  ^  ekmeeio 
the  people  over  whom  they  rule.    In  the  exeic  «  «£  ^ 
authority.  eccleBiastical  officers  meet,  and  ai»oinl 
their  own  order  and  agents.    In  the  government  di^ 
vinely  provided  for  the  church  of  God,  we  have  the 
best  evidence  of  the  manner  in  which  he  will  have 
his  rational  creatures  to  act.  in  the  formation  of  all 
their  social  institutions.    The  church  is'  by  divine 

right  a  HepuWic:  sucha  systemofgovernnieiitJiof 
course  the  wisest  and  the  best. 

In  civil  affairs,  as  well  as  in  ecclesiastical,  the  same 
pnnciples  of  order  are  inculcated  in  Scripture.  The 
law  for  the  election  of  ruJers,  and  for  trial  of  their 
conduct,  implies  the  right  of  election,  and  i^moval 
from  office.    The  practice  illustrates  the  few.     We* 
r^d,  it  is  true,  of  kings,  and  of  king^  designated  to 
office  by  immediate  revelation.    But  the  executive 
officers  of  Jwdah  and  Israel,  although  called  kiiwg, 
were  placed  under  a  law,  and  liable  to  deposHior.  **ft 
account  of  maladministration.    These  kings,  eretf 
when  nominated  by  the  Lord,  were  still  recognised 
as  the  representatives,  or  agents  of  the  corrimon- 
wealth,  and  subject  to  removal  from  office  by  the 
eoifiuiariiiy  whensoever  they  abused  their  trust.  The 


.  '•fa 


■M 


I  ■• 


61 


TUB  UOEaI  OH^RAGipR  Of 


IK 


uoTenant  of  God  with  David,  I  admit,  did  author^ 
lie  the  regal  succession  in  the  family  of  the  mm  of 
Jesse ;  but  that  succession  was  never  regulated  hj 
primogeniture,  so  much  as  by  actual  qualification 
for  power.  And  it  would  be  as  absurd,  now  (hat 
Messiah  is  come,  to  whom  that  arrangement  pointed, 
to  plead  in  behalf  of  royal  blood,  as  to  require,  after 
the  example  of  the  house  of  Aaron,  that  the  minis- 
try of  the  church  should  be  subjected  to  hereditary 
succession.  ^ 

,  ^  .J.  f  ,  .  <  ■ 
Abimikeh  is  the  first  king  of  whom  we  read  among 
the  Israelites,  and  he  was  made  so  by  the  men  of 
^.chem,*  The  wicfi  of  Israel  had  offered  the  sover- 
eignly to  Gideon ;  but,  while  he  admitted  their  pow- 
er of  making  the  election,  he  refused  their  offfer.f 
When  Saul  was  placed  upon  the  throne,  the  indtilu- 
tion  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  actual  election  of  the 
incumbent,  were  the  acts  of  the  people  of  Israel,  al- 
though the  Lord  pointed  out  the  man.t  David,  Solo- 
naon,  and  Rehoboam,  Uzziah  and  Josiah,  received 
the  kingdom  by  consent  of  the  community.  All  the 
kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  were  subject  to  the  con- 
stitution and  the  law;  obliged  to  act  with  the  advice 
of  the  Sanhedrim^  the  great  courcil  of  elders ;  to 
preserve,  in  their  rights,  the  lesser  Sanhedrims  of  the 
several  cities,  all  of  which  were  regularly  elected  to 
office ;  and  in  default,  these  kings  were  punished  of 
the  Lord,  by  divine  judgments,  and  of  the  people 


*  Judff.  IK. 


t  Judg.  viii.  21—23.        |  1  Sam.  xxii.  12^20. 
ITos.  xiii.  10. 


*»  wompM  w>fkiMM»y. 


Ti?L:?^''*  ■'"''""  "'"^    Taking,  of  lhew3  oZT 

ri»  to l^ktog.  «,  V.  .ho.e  offlcer.  of  .Ule  mboTZJ^Jl 
«*e.I-.i»  .IWW  OS,  of  W (K,  Wb.^  ^b,  brf  y«^*S 

^l»^«.«b.n^  „b.v.  .«,^bled  togolber-    (S's.^ 


•tth^tte  wj«*«.  pf  JoW.  w»  in  .  .«,„  ber.iita.yfX^ 
was  omiSnnad  hv  tho -»f«Vs?'>'> -^^k- •  -    -      *|;"'^/»  y«f  « 

Cite    3  ''  3   ■f^*  ^*   ~v  >wpic."      iig,.  ii^,   j^^    7 


THE  HMUE.  «IARA«TCR  OT 


In  the  Ibliil  place,  Tiiegeiieriil  practice  of  na- 
tibnS)  eteH  where  monarchy  exkted,  is  in  support  of 
the  principle  of  representation.  Kingly  govern- 
nient  is  obyiously,  as  the  learned  Selden>  a  o^ientber 
of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  calls  it,  a  heathminsH^ 
tiiHon;  but  the  king  was  considered  as  the  agent  of 
the  public  will.  The  history  of  every  nation  will 
gl^ve  to  show,  that  I  do  not  make  the  assertion  with? 
out  authority.  The  greatest  tyrants  have  been  in  the 
liabit  of  considering  themselves  as  representing  the  na- 
tion over  which  they  ruled;  and  in  the  present  age  ihc 
high  clauns  of  arbitrary  power  tend  only,  like  the  fii* 
bles  of  Pagan  mythology,  and  the  fairy  tales  of  a 
ruder  superstition,  to  decorate,  with  splendid  image- 
ry, poetry  and  romance ;  or,  when  introduced  art- 
fully into  popular  declamation,  to  flatter  aspiring 
minds,  and  deceive  the  simple.  The  treaty  of  Paris 
abundantly  shows  that  crowned  heads  no  longer  de- 
pibUd  On  tiie  ditine  right  of  hereditary  succession. 
Ferdinand  is  recognized,  during  the  lifetime  of  his 
deposed  father,  on  the  throne  of  Spain.  Murat  and 
Bernadotte  are  permitted  to  occupy  the  kingdoms  of 
livii^g  fugitives  of  the  blood  royal;  and  since  the 
partition  of  Poland,  successful  usurpation  is  a  better 
title  than  carnal  descent.  If  the  principle  of  repre- 
sentation is  forgotten,  hereditary  right  is  less  de- 
pended on,  than  possession  by  force  of  arms.  Such, 
^las!  is  the  unprincipled  condition  of  the  masters  of 
the  European  world.* 

*  That  the  repreeentlitire  system,  in  a  greater  or  len  degree, 
n»t  With  ths  vie.wg  of  the  B6Vei^a!  natlnnit-  is  obvibuft  fkom  (h* 

works  o£^in(i'J|||i8t  writers.    Andrew  Horncy  an  eminent  B^glisk 

■■;■  '    '.;?•»;:: 


THE  BStnaU  QOT^RIIIfENi;.  *         n 

If  I  hftve  succeeded  io  showing,  tb»t»pres©i|te- 
tio»  isesaentiri  ta  lawful  rule,  I  shall  toke  less  of 
your  time  in  proving,  that  the  practice  of  the  British 
constitution  is,  when  weighed  in  this  balance,.  foiiM 
wanting*  ^ 


lawyer  in  the  reign  of  Edwaid  I.  says,  k  a  ^ng  is  ereated  and 
Omied  to  do  justice,  tbat  the  fittt  kings  of  England  had  thlrtyeight 
SonpanioiMi,  cttrnHKH,  or  oowts,  tb«  first  offlcera  of  so  many  countiei, 
^^  wUectirely  representing  the  whole  kingdom,  were  aboF^  tl| 

Chancellor  Fifrtescui,  in  a  work  addressed  to  Henry  tr  descries 
the  kingdom  as  a  body  politic,  of  which  the  king  is  head,  and  the 
puWio  will  the  heart  or  seat  of  life.  "The  king  cannot  change 
the  laws  of  that  body,  or  withdraw  their  sut^ft^nce  from  theja 
against  their  wi|ls.  He  is  ordained  for  the  defence  of  the  laws.  He 
repeiveth  power  fpm  his  people,  pf  their  own  free  will  they  fub- 
faiitted  to  the  government  of  a  king,  only  to  the  end  that  they  riilght 
thereby  maintain  themselves  with  more  safety.*?    De  Laud  Rig 

mumomm  iiwa^ese  words,  "The  wbolf  kingdom  and |i^q^ 
are  $be  <n^inaf9i^me  sovereign  power,  by  whose  common  con- 
wnt  and  authority,  all  lawful  kings  and  kingdoms  were'  at  firit 
created  and  instituted,  and  from  whom  they  derived  all  their  regal 
jarisdiction."  Sal.  de  Prinoipales,  Lib.  h  p.  1—6. 
.  Orrtfttf  repreaenfs  the  people  as  originally,  aui  jurist  entitled  to 
4i»po«0  of  the  goveriiment  aa  they  shail  think  meet—"  it  b^^ng  a 
tMng  in  its  own  nature  not  ci|pabie  of  an  occupancy,  nor  seiza^e 
bj  any,  unless  the  people  will  voluntarily  desert  their  own  liberty  " 
DeJure.bel.andpac.  l.:i.c.U. 

^  *  Now  verily,  since  king*  are  eonsfitnted  by  the  people,  tUl  the 
peopie  are  better  and  greater  than  ti|e  king.  He  who  reeeivetb  au- 
thority from  another  is  inferior  to  his  author.  In  the  republic,  which 
ii  compared  to  a  ship,  the  king  is  the  captain,  the  people  the 
owner.  To  him,  holding  the  helm,  the  people  submit,  when  not- 
Withitandimr  he  mwht'  tn  hm  *«£;^.».«£j  ^ ^--^  i>     r^^    «> 

f!tm.€«n.ijfrrtm.que9t.  3,  p.  41.  ., 


m 


TUB  H&llitli  CHARACTER  or 


>»  TheMi^^  it  is  admitted,  cannot  do  wrong.  He  is 
Aot  accountable.  He  succeeds  to  the  throne  acc(^d« 
ing  to  prifiiogeniture.  Be  he  wise  or  simple ;  good 
or  bad,  by  the  constitution  of  that  country,  which 
^8  superior  pretensions  to  good  sense  and  to  morali- 
ty»  the  first-born  of  royal  blood  ascends  the  chair  of 
stote ;  and  without  the  least  regard  to  capacity  or 
to  character,  he  is  chief  magistrate  and  head  of  the 
eburch.  This  is  notorious.  Such  a  monarch  cann<^ 
Ite  considered  as  the  true  representative  of  the  king- 
dom. Th  Lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  have  little 
of  the  principle  stated  above  asinecessary  to  lawful 
rule,  and  the  House  of  Commons  is  far  from  being  a 
ixue  representation  <^  the  people. 

The  population  of  the  united  kingdoms  amountg, 
according  to  the  latest  accounts,  to  about  fifteen  mil- 
lions. Very  few  of  these  are  represented  in  parlia- 
ment. The  whole  of  the  members  returned  to  that 
great  court  of  the  empire,  have  received,  probably, 
less  than  three  hundred  thousand  votes.  These  suf- 
frages are  commonly  bought  and  sold  as  any  other 
ailide  in  the  market.  The  ministry  can  always  se- 
cure a  large  majority.  The  parliament  is  a  repre- 
sentation of  a  few  powerful  and  opulent  families; 
and  these  only  serve  to  give  the  appearance  of  popu- 
larity to  the  paramount  influence  of  the  monarchy,  as 
employed  by  the  immediate  servants  of  the  crown.* 

♦  The  population  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  is  computed  at 
fifteen  millions.  Of  these,  upwards  of  two  are  paupers.  Upwardi 
of  one  half  the  remainder  is  of  the  femal«  sex.  And  of  the  males 
»f  lattiuie  year?,  which  cannot  fae  computed  as  far  eisceeding4hre« 


THE  BRmsH  •oYnnmm, 


2.  7%e  British  eonstituUan  of  govemmmU,  is  m 
stipersmiaus  eomhination  of  tivil  and  eccksiaUkai 
power,  ^^•irf,         ,      ,      .,    ^ 


»<■ 


^Tte  AiVig.  ia  head  mid  sovem^  of  the  church; 
Ihe  btsht^s  of  the  church  are  lords  of  the  land,  and 
members  of  the  legislature,  and  judges  of  the  law. 
By  order  of  both,  the  «io5/  solemn  of  the  ordinance! 
of  the  Lord  our  God  is  continually  profaned:  and 
aiJ  this  IS  essential  to  the  constitution  of  the  gover*. 
ment.  These  facts  are  notorious :  and  there  is  no! 
upon  the  face  of  the  earth  greater  iniquity. 

The  king  is  head  of  the  church.  "Our  lawyer* 
pronounce,  that  the  king  of  England  unites  in  hit 
person  the  dignity  of  chief  magistrate  with  the 
sanctity  of  a  priest;  and  the  title  of  Sacred  Majesty 
appears  to  haye  commenced,  when  he  assumed  the 

"■  ■■"*,'■;  •  '*^^- 

mmions,  one  opt  of  six  is  in  the  pay  of  government.  The  officfei 
in  church  and  state,  in  the  army,  the  navy,  and  the  colonies,  are 
filled  by  not  less  that  half  a  million  of  men,  deriving  from  the 
patronage  of  the  crown  not  less  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dol- 
lars a  year.  These  have  friends  and  connexions;  and  there  arc 
».«ny  office-hnnters  depending  upon  the  patronage  of  the  crown. 
1  he  evil  is  of  coarse  enormoi-.     Scarcely  will  one  hundred  thou- 

Mnd  independent  electors  be  found  in  the  united  kingdoms.    In 

*.ngland  there  are  only,  altogether,  one  hundred  and  sixty  thoa- 

•and  freeholders     King's  Tables. 
«  What  then,"  I  use  the  words  of  a  distinguished  patriot  of  the  re- 

voluhon.  "  What  is  the  majority  of  their  parliament,  but  a  flagitious 

combination  of  ministerial  hirelings,  conspired  to  erect  the  Babe! 

of  despotism  upon  the  rtini  of  the  heantifnl  feb-e  «r  u^  «    ^. 

t^mngston.  /    "   "      "    '"'     "  "      ^'' 


Tfi 


.•«-... 


TH«  MOitAL  QHAIUKtfttBR  OF 


&tiction  oi  betid  of  th^  tliui'dt/' ^  He,  as  sOTereigti 
<>f  thtfcnbeletiastleal  body,  calls  at  pleasure  his  deiff 
togeHier,  ""and  dissolves  their  meetings  wheii  thejr 
have  executed  his  will :  he  &Us  up  yacancies  among 
Ids  bi^ops ;  and  he  presents  to  fheir  livings  and  thisir 
^keiB  over  his  subjects,  the  inferior  clergy,  unlefli 
the  pstrditage  be  vested  in  subordinate  bands;  He^ 
by  hli  pontifical  and  royal  sanction,  confers  the  cbo^ 
recter  of  truth  to  his  own  faithful  subjects  upon  ar/t- 
ihs^  faith,  whatever  they  may  be  in  themselves  *  he 
Confers  upon  eeremotnes,  however  frivolous,  the  vir« 
tue  of  being  significant  and  edifying :  he  constitutes 
a  government,  however  arbitrary,  pure  and  apostolic 
ud:  in  a  word/  h^>  defends,  he  tolerates,  he  perse- 
cutes, according  to  Ih^  constitution  of  th^  establish^ 
ment  over  which  he  presides  with  papal  magnifi* 
cence.  And  yet,  O  my  God  and  my  Redeemeiv  to 
such  a  monearehy,  with  all  its  impious  usurpation  cif 
the  rights  of  God,  do  any  of  thy  disciples  profess  an 
ftttachment?  Ah!  how  frail  a  thing  Is  man ! 

Again,  according  to  the  British  constitution, 
bishops  of  the  church  are,  by  virtue  of  their  office, 
members  of  parliament  and  judges  of  the  law.  They 
are  Lords  spiritual,  occupying  a  seat  in  the  upper 
house  of  legislation;  and  the  house  of  lords  is  the 
ultimate  tribunal  of  justice.  The  privileges  of  the 
•piritual  lords  exceed  those  of  the  other  peers  of  the 
realm.  They  hold  courts  of  their  own,  of  which 
they  are  the  sole  judges :  they  issue  writs  in  a  pecu- 


*  Pi 


I'lnkerton. 


THE  mlf^n  ^oyj^mmm* 


n 


liar  ftyl^,  and  in  their  own  name;  Oiey  aloB^  c^n 
depute  to  others  their  authority ;  and  the  judges  of 
the  kiag  cannot  sit  wiOiin  the  diotese  of  some  of 
them  without  the  bishop's  permission.*  Such  then* 
is  this  constitution,  that  while  the  king  is  supi^me 
head  of  the  church,  the  prelate?  of  the  church  ar^ 
ad  essential  parf  of  the  legislature  and  judiciary  of 
the  empire. 


n 


Is  this  right  ?J|rllii9  scriptural?  Is  this  agreeabifei 
to  the  example  of  our  Lord— conformable  to  the 
spirit  of  reUjion— ^corresponding  with  apostolical  ex- 
ample? ifVnd  is  it  thus,  my  hearers,  that  men  would 
exemplify  the  doctrine,  my  kingdom  is  not  of  Mt 
world?  I,  as  a  minister  of  Christ,  have  to  reason  with 
you  in  defence  of  the  right  of  making  a  few  political 
remarks ;  and  I  cannot  flatter  myself  that  I  have  suc- 
ceeded with  you  all.  m  procuring  a  patieut  hearings: 
and  yot,  those  ministers  of  religion,  who  neglect  the 
paths  of  the  Lord,  and  are  themselves  become  umo9 
OP  THE  LAND,  and  of  God's  heritage,  enjoy  your  sym- 
pathy:  to  that  government  you  are  attach^,  and,  at 
me,  you  are  diseased  for  examining  its  charactw. 
Bear  with  me,  brethren;  I  would  not  wound  your  feel- 
ings unnecessarily.    I  even  sympalhixe  with  you  in 
your  political  obliquities.  Man  is  frajL  Even  Abra- 
ham besought  the  Lord  for  Sodom ;  and  the  Lord  dealt 
tenderly  with  his  servant,  though  he  destroyed  the 
cities  of  the  plain.    I  ask  of  ycu  but  the  lil^rty  of 
saying  to  this  part  of  the  system  of  British  power, 
7VM— Thou  art  found  wanting. 


•*  Thamber,  63—68.     Blacksfone,  b.  1.  c.  11. 


72 


THE   MOBAL  eHARACTBR  OF 


If  more  be  necessary  to  justify  me  in  this  applica- 
tion c€  the, text,  it  will  be  found  in  the  practice,  re- 
quired by  the  combined  and  impious  power  of 
church  arid  state  oyer  the  British  empire — the  admi' 
idstration  of  the  sacramental  test. 

What  would  you  think  of  an  ordinance  from  the 
congress  of  the  United  States,  requiring  all  officers 
upon  the  civil  and  military  list,  under  pain  of  dis- 
mission, to  take  the  sacrament  ?  What  would  you  say 
to  a  demand  upon  Fresbyterians,  and  Independents, 
and  Baptists,  kc.  to  forego  their  own  religious  pro- 
fession, and  take  the  conmimion  from  Episcopal 
hands?  What  would  you  say  of  an  act  of  congress  that 
required  the  prostitution  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  to 
the  profane,  and  the  ignorant,  and  the  infidel  ?  What 
would  you  say  of  me,  if  instead  of  thus  addressing 
you,  I  should  be  so  far  disposed  to  make  traffic  of 
my  ministry,  as  to  accept  of  an  appointment  and  an 
equipage,  and  sit  with  the  consecrated  elements  at 
the  door  of  the  capitol,  to  administer  the  body  ami 
the  blood  of  the  Lord  to  the  whole  tribe  of  office- 
hunters  who  dance  attendance  in  the  hall  of  power? 
Could  you  approve  of  this  ?  would  you  tolerate  me  in 
it?  wodld  the  rulers  of  our  land  require  such  a  profa- 
nation? would  this  community  bear  it?  would  the 
ministers  of  the  church  submit  to  it?  It  is  practised 
in  England.  It  is  the  law  of  that  land.  It  is  authorized, 
it  is  demanded  by  the  government.  It  is  observer^ 
by  the  ministers.  This  prcsritut^on  is  the  door  of  '^ad- 
mission to  power.*    Shall  I  not  visit  for  these  thin^f^  ^ 


Stat.  25.  C»r.  U.  Cap.  2. 


THE  BRITISH  GOVERNMENT. 


73 


satlh  the  Lord;  and  shaU  not  my  soul  he  avenged  <Mi 
such  a  nation  as  this  ?* 

3.  The  British  government  is  a  branch  of  the  gene- 
ral antichristian  apostacy. 

The  opposition  to  the  great  protestant  doctrine  in 
relation  to  antichrist,  which  the  English  commenta- 
tors of  more  recent  date  have  carried  on,  found  i|i 
only  support  in  the  terror  produced  by  the  French 
revolution.  Mr.  PaT)er  is,  by  far,  the  most  plausible 
of  those  writers,  who  have  represented  that  nation 
under  the  Emperor  Napoleon,    as  tba  last  head 

•Mr.   John  Newton,  a  minister  of  the  church  of  England, 
preached  a  sermon  on  this  text  in  the  parish  church  of  St.  Mary 
Woolnoth,  Feb.   21,  1781,  jn  which  he  spoke  as  follows:  «'The 
Test  and  qarparaltm  Acts,  which  require  every  person  who  has  a 
post  under  gorernment,  or  a  commission  in  the  army  or  navy,  to 
qualify  himself  for  his  office,  by  receiving  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord  8  Supper,  would  occasion  no  sin,  if  men  were  generally  influ- 
enced  by  the  fear  of  God,  or  even  a  principle  of  integrity.    They 
would  then  rather  decline  places  of  honour  or  profit,  than  accept 
of  them  upon  such  terms.    We  frequently  see  professed  infidels 
andnotmrious  hberiines,  approach  the  Lord's  Table  as  a  matter  of 
course,  and  prostitute  the  most  solemn  ordinance  of  Christianity  to 
their  ambition  or  interest.    I  wn  afraid  we  have  been  long  guilty 
of  a  contemptuous  profanation  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ " 
Vol.  y.  pp.  3,  5. 

"A  man  cannot  be  an  exciseman,  a  custom-house  officer,  a  lieu- 
tenant in  the  army  or  navy,  no,  not  so  much  as  a  tide-waiter,  with- 
out  putting  on  the  most  distinguishing  badge  of  Christianity,  ac- 
cording  to  the  usage  of  the  church  of  England.  Is  not  this  a  strenfe 
temptation  to  profanation  and  hypocrisy?  Does  it  not  pervert  one 
oi  infi  most  floiemn  inititutions  of  religion  ?"    NeaVs 


Vol.  IV.  p.  530. 


HisU 


10 


74 


\\ 


tUE  MORAI^  CHARACTER  OF 


\ 


of  the  great  apostacy;  and  at  whose  downfal,  by 
the  judgments  of  the  seventh  vial,  the  Millen- 
nium was  to  commence.  This  system  of  interpreta- 
tion is  now  exploded.  The  empire  of  Buonaparte 
is  no  more ;  and  yet  the  Millennium  does  not  ap- 
pear. The  manners  of  men  are  as  they  were.  Ig- 
norance still  prevails.  Tyranny  and  superstition 
are  sufficiently  obvious.  The  church  is  in  the  wil- 
derness }  aad  although  the  Bourbons  are  restx>redi 
Eur*  pe  is  unsetlled;  and  still  antichrist  reigns.      | 

According  to  the  unanimous  opinion  of  all  the 
prolestant  expositors,  not  excepting  the  English 
themselves,  that  couhtry  has  once  been  one  of  the  ten 
horns  of  the  apocalyptical  beast,  influenced  by  Sa- 
tan, the  '^ragon.*  This  could  not  be  disputed,  be- 
cause the  land  was  geographically  within  tfie 
Ibounds  of  the  Latin  Roman  empire  ;  and  the  peo- 
ple had  submitted  to  the  Latin  Roman  religion. 

Some  indeed  allege,  that,  at  the  reformation,  the 
connexion  of  Britain  with  the  beast  was  dissolved; 
but,  the  scripture  prediction  does  not  justify  the  ex- 
pectation that  any  of  the  great  power  of  Europe 
should  be  severed  from  that  connexion,  for  centuries, 
or  even  any  considerable  time,  before  the  general 
destruction  of  the  man  of  sin-  The  history  of  that 
country,  the  tyranny  and  superstition  of  Henry 
l^pi";  the  persecutions  carried  on  against  the  saints, 
diwing  the  continuance  of  the  succession  in  the 
Sluart  race ;  and  the  terrible  bloodshed  caused  by 

*  Rev,  xiU. 


THB  BRITISH   GOVERNMENT. 


7a 


Chaiies  If.  and  James,  bis  successor  and  brother, 
bofh  Popish  tyrants,  completely  set  aHtde  the  idea 
of  England's  ceasing  to  be  a  horn  of  the  beast,  be- 
fore the  revolution  of  1686,  under  William  of  rifol- 
land.  Nor  does  that  event  itself  justify  the  suppo- 
•ition.  Much  was  certainly  gained  by  it  to  the 
cause  of  both  religion  and  liberty.  The  tyranny  of 
the  throne,  and  the  persecutions  arising  fl-om  it, 
were  mitigated,  but  not  abolished.  If  protestant 
blood  does  not  flow  as  formerly,  the  saints,  in  that 
country,  the  successors  of  the  martyrs,  still  labour 
under  the  frowns  of  power,  marked  by  ecclesiastical 
and  civil  pains  and  disabilities. 

Nb  country,  it  appears  from  the  prospective  histo- 
ry afforded  in  prophecy;  which  was  onC6  in  connex- 
ion with  the  beast,  is  to  be  perfectly  separated  frotn 
the  great  apostacy  until  the  5ctJcii<A  vial  shall  have 
poured  Out  its  plagues.  rhefifthhAa  shaken  the  coq- 
nexion  by  the  partial  reformation  of  several  nations ; 
but  in  no  instance  ha^  the  Connexion  b6en  complete- 
ly and  permanently  dissolved. 

Prophecy  excludes  the  idea,  of  considering  the  Bri- 
tish empire  as  removed  from  the  Latin  Earth:  ?ind, 
the  character  of  its  government,  as  shown  under  the 
preceding  articles,  demonstrates  its  antichriatianism. 
The  English  establishment  is,  itself,  of  a  beastly  na- 
iure.  A n  unhallowed  connexion  between  church  and 
state,  in  which  civil  liberty  suffers^  and  true  religion 


-'-•7     -^««i    aiV  T  VJ 


u«  ictviiujiuu   r»ith  that  li- 


76 


THE  MORAL  OUARACXER  OP 


h$rty  wherewith  Christ  has  made  tts  free.  It  is  an  an- 
ticbrisiian  polity.  I  add  to  these  a  third  argument, 
drawn  from  the  considerati'^*-  pnt  events.    The 

proeent  king  did  take,  ar  the  i*^  HUion  of  the  crown 
of  Corsica,  an  oath  to  support  the  Popish  religion;* 
and  he  is  at  the  head  of  the  establishment  of  the  same 
faith  in  the  province  of  Lower  Canada,  in  connexion 
with  the  church  of  England.  By  hk  arms.,  by  the 
wealthjof  his  empire,  and  by  the  blood  of  his  sub- 
jects, he  has  proved  the  principal  stay  of  the  anti- 
christian  polity  in  Europe.  The  restoration  of  the 
!lbourbons,  of  the  Pope,  and  of  the  Inquisition,  suffi- 
ciently show  that  he  is  in  fact  a  pillar  of  the  great 
throne  of  the  man  of  sin.  The  British  government, 
once  a  branch  of  the  apostacy,  still  within  the 
bounds  of  the  symbolical  earth,  actually  antichris- 
tian  in  its  own  character,  and  now  the  chief  stay  of 
the  beast's  authority,  must  necessarily  be  considered 
as  continuing  to  be  one  of  the  ten  kings  or  horns, 
which  agree  to  give  their  power  to  the  great  cor- 
ruption of  moral  order  in  the  world. 

The  guilt  of  a  nation,  or  an  individual,  is  in  pro- 
portion to  the  privileges  enjoyed,  and  the  actual  im- 
morality. That  country  was  the  most  favoured  of 
the  nations.  None  had  attained  to  so  much  light 
and  reformation.  It  was  once,  although  oidy  by 
compulsion  on  the  part  of  the  crown  and  the  prelacy, 
in  solemn  league  and  covenant  with  God.    It  has 


1704. 


THE   BRITISH   OOT£RlfMCIfT. 


7T 


broken,  like  treacherous  Judah,  and  backslid'ng  li- 
rael,  its  covenant ;  it  has  shed,  like  Chaldea,  the  blood 
of  the    martyrs ;    and,   although    persecution  unto 
death  hath  ceased,  this  apostate  nation  still  persists  • 
in  the  course  of  policy  which  the  persecutor  intro- 
duced—a  course  of  opposition  to  true  religion  and 
regular  ecclesiastical  order.     Ye  are  the  children  (f 
them  that  killed  the  prophets.     Fill  ye  up  then  the  meor 
sure  ff  your  fathers'^     In  applying  the  sacred  mea- 
sure to  every  branch  of  the  apostacy,  we  cannot  but 
pronounce  it  waw/ew^, 

4.  The  British  government  is  Erastian  in  its  con- 
slitution  and  administration. 

4 

The  expression,  Erastian,  is  not  so  well  under- 
stood in  this  country,    where  the  practice  is  happily 
in  a  great  measure  unknown,  as  in  the  European 
world,  where  it  almost  universally  prevails.     Certain 
systenns,  both  of  religion  and  of  human  science,  are, 
sometimes,  stamped  with  Ihe  names  of  distinguished 
men,-^ho  appear  in  their  illustration  and  defence, 
although  the  principles  themselves  may  have  liad  a 
very  different  origin.     The  names  of  Calvin   and 
Arn^inius,  are  attache  I  to  systems  which  existed  since 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  to  the  fallen  world. 
We  speak"  of  the  Newtonian  Philosophy,  of  Galvan- 
ism, &c.  because  the  laws^of  nature,  ancient  as  crea- 
tion itself,  were  illustrated  in  an  able  manner  by  men 
of  such  names.    The  phrase  Erastian  often  occurs 


*  Mattli.  xxiii.31. 


n 


tUK   MORAL   UHAKAOTSft   UF 


in  the  history  of  British  controversies  about  religtoi 
and  goyfernment. 

Thomas  Erastus  was  both  a  divine  and  physician. 
He  was  learned  and  active,  and  infiuential  among  the 
distinguished  men  of  that  very 'remarkable  age  In 
which  he  lived:  an  age,  which  roused,  by  an  extra- 
ordinary impulse,  the  human  mind  from  the  lethargy 
Tinder  which  it  had  long  laboured — the  era  of  the 
reformation.  Born  in  Baden  of  Switzerland,  in  the 
year  1624,  and  educated  in  Bazil  and  Bologna,  he 
practised  physic  at  the  court  of  the  elector  Palatine, 
and  became  professor  in  the  university  of  Heidel- 
berg. In  his  book)  on  Excommtinicationt  he  deve- 
lopes  those  principles  which  have  since  been  called 
by  his  name.  That  Christ  and  his  apostles  prescrib- 
ed no  forms  of  discipline  for  the  church — that  the 
supreme  ecclesiastical  power  belongs  to  the  civil 
magistrate — that  ministers  are  pnly  teachers  pos- 
sessed of  the  right  of  public  persuasion — That  to  the 
government  of  the  state  belongs  the  right  of  admit- 
ting members  into  the  church,  and  eifduding  them 
from  it— That  the  church  of  Christ  is  a  department 
of  thie  civil  commonwealth,  are  the  sentjments  of 
Erastus.  These  have  always  been  the  prevailing 
sentiments  of  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  since  the 
time  of  Henry  VIIF.  The  clergy  of  the  church  of 
England,  from  Cranmer  to  Whitgift,^  were  of  Eras- 

*  «  Bishop  Warhurlon  informs  us,  from  Schkn  de  Syncdriis,  that 
Efastu^'s  famous  book  dc  cxcommunicaiione  was  purchased  by  Whit- 
gift,  of  Erastiis's  widow  in  Germany,  and  put  by  him  to  the  press  in 
London,  under  fictitious  names  of  both  the  place  ansi  the  printer.** 
Supplemental  Vol.  Warhttrt.  Works,  p.  473. 


THE  BRITISH   GOtBRJVMIHT. 


n 


iian  principles.    Bamrofl  was  the  first  to  maintaiii 
the  divine  right  of  the  episcopacy ;  and  even  since 
his  day,  the  great  body  of  the  English  hierarchy 
view  the  church  "05  a  mere  creature  of  the  state:*^ 
Indeed,  the  Puritans  themselves,  both  the  ministew 
and  the  members  of  Parliament,  were  willing  at  first 
to  subscribe,  with  but  little  variation,  to  Erastian  sen- 
timents,  although  disposed  to  a  greater  degree  of 
liberty,    in  religion    and   civil   concerns,  than  wai 
consistent  with  the  pleasure  of  the  court  and  the 
bishop8.t     It  was  not,  until  the  Scottish  commission- 
ers explained,  in  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  th^  true 
polity  of  the  church  of  God,  as  a  spiritual  .empire, 
having  its  oWn  officers  and  laws,  under  the  hkai> 
Jesus  CHaisr,  that  the  English  ministers  fully  under- 
stood the  distinctiokj  To  the  faithful  labours  of  the 

♦  These  are  the  words  of  iWa/,  in  his  history  of  the  Puritani, 
who  also  confirms  the  remarks  1  have  made.    Vol.  I.  p.  510. 

t  this  was  the  substance  of  tlie  petition  signed  by  seven  hon- 
dred  minlstersjn  the  year  1841.  The  parliament  were  of  the 
same  mind,  and  claimed  the  power  of  reforming  the  church  as  an 
inhefent  right. 

t  In  that  venerable  Assembly  of  Divines,  which  compiled  our 
admirable  Confession  of  Faith  and  other  ecclesiastical  standards,  th« 
very  learned  Sclden  had  a  seat.  He,  assisted  by  the  counsel,  and 
the  rabbinical  learning  of  Coleman  and  Lightfoot,  and  supported 
by  the  national  feeHngs,  and  the  prejudices  or  opinions  of  th/par- 
liament,  argued  the  cause  of  EraHianism  in  the  grand  debate 
upon  ecclesiastical  order.  The  question  excited  immense  interest  i 
the  whole  church,  a  great  nation,  awaited  the  result  with  anxiety. 
^  George  Gillespie,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Edinburgh,  and  a  com- 
missioner to  the  Assembly  from  the  church  of  Scotland,  waaoli, 
served  to  be  engaged  occasionally  with  his  pen,  while 'Se|den*jK^^  , 
It  was  supposed  be  was  talcing  notes  of  the  argument.    He,'  too, 


•ft 


do 


TH*  MORAL  CHARACTER  iOF 


church  of  Scotland,  the  christian  world  is  indebted, 
under  the  blessing  of  God,  for  the  prevalence  of  a 

i 

was  learned,  and  of  great  reading ;  but  he  was  young,  pious,  mo- 
dest, and  a  stranger  in  London.  He  bad  not  acquired  celebrity, 
gome  of  the  most  grave  and  pious  divines  had  a  previous  opportoni- 
iy  of  satisfying  themselves  as  to  bis  views  of  divine  truth.  They 
knew  tlje  sentiments  of  the  church  which  he  represented,  to  be 
anti-erastian.  They  went  to  his  chair,  and  requested  him  to  speak. 
They  inquired  if  he  had  taken  notes.  He  was  silent.  They  saw 
the  paper  on  which  he  had  written.  The  only  words  upoa  it 
were,  six  i,,  light,  Lord,  and  dirjsction.  These  were  often  re- 
peated. *  Rise,  George,"  said  a  venerable  friend,  "Rise  and  de- 
fend your  principles,  your  country,  your  church,  and  the  kingdom 
of  your  God— Rise  up,  man,  and  defend  the  right  of  the  Lord  Je- 
las  Christ  to  govern,  by ^is  own  laws,  the  church  which  he  pur- 
chased with  his  blood.  Mr.  Gillespie  complied.  He  began  by  giv- 
ii^  a  summary  of  the  argument  of  his  learned  antagonist,  dutia.- 
guishing  the  several  principle?  which  it  involved,  and  then  request- 
ed to  be  corrected  if  he  made  an  unfair  statement.  Selden  replied, 
if  Mr.  Gillespie  will  refute  these  principles  with  the'  same  accura- 
cy with  which  he  has  stated  them,  the  controversy  is  over.  T\ 
Gillespie  had  io  his  hand  a  two-e<|ged  sword.  He  contended  snc- 
eessfully  for  the  prerogatives  of  his  Redeemer's  crown,  and  the  in- 
dependency of  Christ's  kingdom.  He  triumphed.  Mr.  SeWen 
himself  observed,  with  astonishment,  "  This  young  man  by  hie 
speech  has  swept  away  the  learning  and  labour  of  my  life."  Eras- 
tianism  was  condemned,  and  presbytery  established  by  the  West- 
minster Assembly. 

The  parliament  was  unwilling  to  yield.  There,  Mr.  Selden  had 
also  a  seat  His  hand  was  seen  in  the  scruples  and  delays  employ- 
ed in  the  Housdof  Commons  against  the  establishment  of  the  Pres- 
byterian reginfen.  The  Scottish  commissioners  remonstrated.  The 
London  ministers  also  petitioned.  Commissioners  from  parliament 
met  with  a  committee  of  the  Assembly  j  but  to  the  exertions  of  Mr. 
Henderson,  another  of  the  Sco^fwA  commissioners ;  supported  by  the 
voice  of  Scotland,  apd  the  fear  of  losing  the  co-operatioa  of  the 

Scottish   nrmv- in  i\M>   war  nn-uinof  i\\a    r,ritraM„t-a     *t.„    .-i i. i.  ._ 

quiescence  of  the  English  parliament  is  to  be  ascribed. 


THE  BRITISH  aOV|tRNltfENT. 


81 


J^nl^i^le,  now  universally  understood,  and,  in  this 
country,  reduced  to  practice  by  all  ecclesiastical 
bodies—that  the  church  is  a  distinct  society y  with  an 
organisation  of  if^  mn.  This  important  doctrine/ js 
of  divine  authority.  Its  truth  hath  been  attested  by 
tli«f  blood  of  the  martyrs:  and  the  kingdoms,  whi«jh 
oppose*  this  part  of  the  faith  delivered  to  the  saints, 
are  guilty  of  rebellion  against  the  King  of  kings,  and 
Xford  of  lords. 

The  Erastianism  of  the  present  British  constitu- 
tion of  government,  will  now  be  made  apparent. 

The  civil  government  makes  the  established 
dmrch,  with  the  king  as  its  supreme  head,  an  essen- 
tial part  of  the  national  polity—It  settles,  by  pariia- 
mentary  law,  the  condition  of  ministerial  fellowghip— 
It  determines  the  faith  to  be  professed— It  prescribes 
forms  of  prayer  to  be  offered  from  the  pulpit— It 
inflicts  the  severest  censures  of  the  churcl.  -and  ex- 
ercises, exclusively,  the  power  of  convoking  the  su- 
perior judicatories.  Read,  for  yourselves,  the  re- 
ferences which  I  make,  and  then  decide  upon  the  ac- 
curacy of  this  statement. 

The  church,  under  the  headship  of  the  reigning 
-prince,  whether  male  or  female,  it  matters  not,  is,  in 
fact,  a  department  of  the  state. 

The  British  monarch  has  assumed  all  that  power 
in  his  dominions  «  over  all  persons  and  all  causes, 
whether  civil  or  ecclesiastic,"  which  the  Vo^^  ^-^vJ 


■»~iVii 


11 


82 


THE  MOUAXi  CHAKACtER.  OF 


ed ;  and  the  parliament  have  secured  by  statute  this 
pi-ercgalive  of  the  crown.  Tiie  declaration  tti 
George  I,  who  styles  himseitf  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
and  Supreme  Governor  of  the  Church  in  his  domin- 
ions, proceeding  upon  this  principle,  requires  that 
the  clergy,  before  they  can  settle  any  differences  about 
the  external  polity  of  the  church,  must  first*  blftain 
leave  under  his- broad  seal,^ 

It  is  provided  by  the  treaty  of  union  between  Eng- 
land and  Scotland,  that  the  church  of  England,  with 
all  the  civil  power  given  into  the  hands  of  the  prela- 
cy, shall  be  preserved  entire,  and  this  is  rieclared  to 
be  an  essential  fundc^mental  part  of  the  union.  The 
temporal  power  of  the  lords  spiritual,  the  spiritual 
supremacy  of  the  monarch,  together  with  the  pro&- 
titution  of  the  most  distinguishing  badge  of  christian 
profession  in  the  saci  amenta!  tegt^  prove  beyond  a 
doubt  that  the  church  and  state  are  combined  into 
one  great  corrupt  and  impious  system  of  misrule: 
and  justifies  the  charge  of  Erastianism  against  the 
British  Constitution.  ^ 

In  the  Act  for  an  union  of  the  two  kingdoms  of 
England  and  Scotland,  provision  is  made  for  render- 
ing the  English  hierarchy  perpetual :  and  the  church 
of  Scotland,  although  in  form  Pt^sbyterian,  has  bee» 
constrained  to  submit  to  Erastianism,  not  merely  by 
her  members  supporting  the  English  religious  esta- 
blishment ;  but  also,  as  essential  to  their  own.    The 


*   Tier.  fJporo-P  T.  Jiino  mth.  17 IS. 


THE  BIlItlSH  GOVERNMENT. 


a3 


Scottish  establishment  is  itself  Erastian,    The  civil 
power  BETTLffls  the  condition  of  ministerial  fellowship 
in  the  church.    At  the  revolution,  king  William  ad- 
dressed letters  patent  to  both  the  Presbyterian  fipd 
Episcopalian  clergy,  determining  the  conditions  up- 
oa  which  they  must  join  together.    Ip  the  letter  of 
February  1690,  addrr?ssed  to  the  General  Assembly, 
his  Majesty  says  to  the  highest  judicatory  of  the 
church,  «  We  have  thought  good  to  signify  our  plea- 
sure to  you,  that  you  make  no  distinction  of  men* 
otherwise  well  qualified  for  the  ministry,  who  are 
willing  to  join  with  you  in  the  acknowledgment  of, 
and  submiiision  to  the  government  of  church  and  state, 
as  it  is  by  law  now  established,  though  they  have 
formerly  complied  to  the  introducing  of  episcopa- 
cy ;  and  that  ye  give  them  no  disturbance  upon  that 
head." 

In  the  letter  of  the  35th  June  thereafter,  it  is  or- 
dained, "That  neither  the  Assembly,  nor  any  com- 
mission or  church  meeting,  do  meddle  in  amf  process 
or  business  that  may  concern  the  purging  out  of 
episcopal  ministers." 

in  the  letter  of  January  1692,  to  the  Episcopal 
clergy,  the  language  is  equally  dictatorial.  "We 
doubt  not  of  your  applying  to,  and  heartily  meeting 
and  concurring  with  your  brethren,  the  Presbyterian 
ministers,  in  the  terms  which  we  have  been  at  pains 
TO  adjust  for  you." 


It  is  OrOVidf^d.   inn.    \\xr  ^M  n.F  r^oi<i;ar»An4 


i  i^«- 


tt  Tfkftf 


none  he  admitted  or  continued  ministersy  who  do  not 


84 


THE  VORAt  OHARACXfiB  OF 


take  ttfe  oaths  thereby  prescribed,  and  observe  uai- 
fortfiity  of  wor^ip,  &c.  a»  the  same  are,  or  shM  be 
aUomcA  by  iiuthority  of  j^arliament."* 


■■■^T' 


liie  civil  power  determines,  of  its  owo  accord,  the 
ruk  of  faith  to  be  professed  by  those  ministers  who 
ai^  thii^  admitted  or  covUinwd,  and  for  the  whole 
ohurch  in  which  they  serve-.  Without  ever  calling 
an  Assembly,  and  without  any  reference  to  former 
ecclesiastical  acts,  the  parliament  read  and  voted  the 
Westminster  Confession  of  Faith  as  the  public  coft- 
jfession  of  both  church  and  nation.t 

The  king  and  parliament,  no  doubt,  with  the  aid 
of  the  Lords  spiritual,  have  provided  for  all  the 
cleirgy  of  the  Presbyterian  establishment,  the  form 
of  prayer  to  be  used  for  the  king  and  the  royal 
family ;  and  it  must  be  used  under  pain  of  exclusion 
from  the  ministry  of  the  church-J  Nor  is  this  the 
only  case  in  which  the  civil  power  assumes  the  right 
of  deposing  ministers  from  the  pastoral  charge,  how- 
ever well  they  may  be  received  by  their  people,  and 
however  great  the  attachment  between  them  and 
their  fldcks.  Ministers  who  did  not  appear  before  a 
certain  day  prescribed  by  the  act,$  «  are  hereby,  ipso 
factOy  deprived  of  their  respective  kirks  and  sti- 
pends, and  the  same  declared  vacant  without  any 
further -sentence."  Under  a  similar  penalty,  queen 
Ainne  enforced  the  oath  of  abjuration.    George  I. 


*  William  and  Mary,  Par.  1.  Sess.  4.  Act  23.    f  Par.  1890- 

±  1695,  Act  23.     1700,  Act  2.  and  1706,  Act  8. 

§  Act  27.  Sesi.  5.  Pari.  I.  William  and  Mary. 


THE  BWTIIH.GOVlRIfMeNT. 


85 


cMended  the  requigition  to  students  on  trial,  to 
schoolniasters,  and  to  all  masters  in  the  universities  * 
George  II.  require^  an  actf  relative  to  a  certain 
Capt.  Fortius,  to  be  read  from  all  the  pulpits,  in 
Scotland,  once  on  eveiy  Lord's  day  for  a  whole 
year,  "and  in  case,"  the  act  of  parliament  says, 
«  such  minister  shall  neglect  to  read  this  act,  he  shali 
for  the  first  offence  be  declared  incapable  of  sitting 
or  voting  in  any  church  judicatory ;  and  for  the  se- 
cond crflence,  be  declared  incapable  of  taking,  hold- 
ing, or  enjoying  any  ecclesiastical  benefice." 

The  exercise  of  Erastian  supremacy  extends  to 
the  settlement  of  ministers  in  a  congregation.  It  is 
not  ihere,  as  in  this  country.  The  people  do  not 
elect  i'-eir  own  pastor.  The  appoini^^ent  is  vested 
originally  in  the  crown,  although  usually  transferred 
into  a  few  of  the  most  noble  and  wealthy  in  the 
land.  The  patron  gives  the  church  to  his  friend; 
and  if  the  people  make  any  opposition,  a  company 
of  armed  men  induct  the  pastor  into  oflSce.  "The 
Pope,"  said  a  distinguished  lav/yer, "  claimed  the  right 
of  the  patronage  of  every  kirk,  to  which  no  third  party 
could  show  a  special  title;  but  since  the  ^-eforma- 
tioa,  the  crown,  as  coming  in  place  of  the  Pope,  is 
considered  as  universal  patron,  where  no  right  of 
patronage  appears  in  a  f  iibject."| 

I  have  only  further  to  observe,  that  the  king  sum- 
mons at  his  pleasure,  the  supreme  judicatories  of  the 

•        *Act  6.  1708.  t  Act  1737. 

t  Erfikinp'a  Prill-  I.tw    nffSfr^t    n^^/^i^  t     mii    r 

— "•  T--v--t5  Aivva.  J.     iii.  ./. 


86^ 


THE  MORAt  CUARACTS)^  OP 


gchurch;  adjourns  and  dissolves  them  as  much  as  the 
§ml  legislature.  1|9  ordinary  qages,  they  who  com^ 
^pose  the  General  Assembly,  are  sufficiently  obs^ 
^uious,  and  are  of  course  permitted  to  meet  and  de- 
part at  a  certain  season  of  the  year  without  compul- 
sion: but  instances  have  repeatedly  occurred,  when 
the  fact  was  otherwise,  and  the  uniform  tenor  of  the 
commission  under  which  they  meet>  maintains  the 
suprem(Mci/ of  the  crownJ*   ^ 

I  dismiss  this  dipagreeable  Jiibject,  with  a  quotar 
tion  from  the  pubiii;  records  of  two  respectable  bo- 
dies of  professed  christians  in  the  British  empire, 
from  theii-  words  you  w>Il  immediately  perceive, 
that  while  I  am  describing  the  Erastianism  of  the 
constitution  of  government,  I  speak  the  language, 
not  of  an  individual,  but  of  churches,  even  in  that 
country. 

I  begin  with  the  judicial  declaration  of  the  seces- 
sion CHURCH. 


"  It  is  peculiarly  incumbent  upon  every  civil  state 
whereunto  Christianity  is  introduced,  to  stud^^  and 
bring  to  pass,  that  civil  government  among  them,  j  all 
the  appurtenances  of  its  constitution  and  administra- 
tion, run  in  im  agreeableness  to  the  word  of  Gods  be 
subservient  unto  the  spiritual  kingdom  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  to  the  interests  of  the  true  religionv  By 
the  good  hand  of  God,  the  estates  of  England,  but 

*  The  style  i«,  «  Thus  seeing  by  mr  decree^  an  Assemblv  is  to 
meeti&c:'  g.T 


THl  t^mnSH   GOTIRNMBNT. 


ti 


ittore  e^cially  6t  ScoOand,  Wene  in^ired  with  a 
nobl^  and  predominant  ml  foti%h  house  of  God,  iii 
all  its  valuable  institutions:  ftndiUained  to  a  consi- 
derable pitch  of  civil  refcrmaiian  &ubservient  to  thfe 
same.  It  is  observable  that  in  Scotiand,  the  refoniia- 
aon  of  <be  church  hath  dways,  in  a  beautiful  order, 
preceded  and  introduced  the  reformation  of  the  state." 

"It  was  not  long,  till  this  beautiful  work  was  smo- 
thered, by  the  woful  apostacy  at,  and  after,  the  re- 
storation  of  king  Charles  II." 

"The  fatal  overthrow  of  the  former  civil  refor- 
mation; the  devastation  of  the  house  and  heritage  of 
God;  the  unparalleled  course  of  perjury,  treachery, 
tyranny,  against  the  King,  cause,  and  subjects  of 
Zion,  and  against  the  liberties  of  mmkind;  are  laid 
open  in  the  act  and  testimony.  It  is  to  be  feared, 
the  guilt  thereof  is  still  lying  upon  the  throne,  the  h^ 
dy  politic,  and  all  ranks  in  these  lands." 

"Thus   our  ancient  civ^  reformation  has  been 
apostatized-  from,    and    grfevously  defaced— great 
guilt  and  wrath  from  the  Lord  is  still  lying  and  in- 
creasing upon  the  body  politic.     Moreover,  as  our 
civil  settlement  has  been  thus  corrupted,  so  it  bath 
natively  issued  in  a  course  of  defective  and  corrupt 
administrations.    All  the  legal  securities  given  to 
this  church,  from  1638  to  1650,  were  overlookerfv^ 
such  were  retained  in  places  of  public  trust,  and  in 
military  office,  as  were  enemies  to  our  reformation, 
cTid  hud  been  deeply  involved  in  the  horrid  defec- 


m 


THE  Mi>ftA&'CHARACnr«ll  Of' 


If'  .t^ 


taon^  persmtUon,and  Moodshid  ($f  the  formor  |ipened^ 
The  power  and  piivihsgisi^^f  the  €huff?b  werer^  em 
orosebed  Upcm,  as  mdeei  ^  the  act  1592,  aedordii^i: 
to  %hich  presbytery  w«B*«ettled  at  tb0  revolutionf 
the  Assembfy  is  deprited  of  power,  where  the  Icings 
or  his  cotumiesion^r  are  pfiesent,  to  ttoninat^'^  aoill 
appoint  time  and  place  for  their  next  meeting.-' 


<■« 


■:hf 


A  very  sinful  and  sad  encroachment  was  made 
upon  the  costly  and  valuable  privileges  of  the  Lord's 
people,  and  a  door  opened  for  the  corruption  of  the- 
church,  and  the  ruin  of  souls,  WhHe  the  right  of 
patronages,  which  had  been  abolishecj  in  the  year 
1649,  was  again  restored*    This  kingdom  hath' be- 
come subject  to  a  parliament,  whereof  the  tiisbopy 
of  England  are  constituent  members;   and  an  at^^ 
tempt  is  made  to  force  the  members  of  this  ehurdh 
unto  an  approbatic.„  of  the  English  hierarchy.    A* 
bold  and  fatal  encroachment  was  made,  1737,  upon 
the  headship  of  Zion's  King,  by  that  Erastian  act 
aHent  Capt.  John  Porteus.*     By  the   above-men^ 
tlwied  apostacy  and  corruption  in  ike  seidement  and 
adndnisiraizon  of  the  p^imnt  civil  government   the 
measure  of  guilt  upon  the  body  politic,  and  their 

*  This  man  commanded  the  town-guard  of  Edinburgh.  Piqued 
at  the  populace,  he  ordered  his  men  to  fire  upon  them,  and  killed 
and  womided  many,  fie  wiis  tried  and  condemned  by  the  civil  au  - 
tfaority,  to  naffer  death  as  a  murderer.  He  was  a  base  man. .  The 
king  reprieved  him.  The  people  took  him  from  prison,  and  gave 
him  a  public  execution.  Every  minister  was  commanded  to  read 
from  the  pulpit,  a  declaration  of  parliament  upon  this  sul^ect,  of- 
fering a  reward  for  a  discovery  of  any  one  conc^Tiied  iii  the  deed. 

Mfif  Sinn  srse  svfr  fl!S£'a<'ei'Ad.      fUUitlasd  bad  no  Itifftymwi'tt- 


THE  BRITISH  OOTSEimtNT. 


^1^5 


■m 


■■:H' 


liS^fwlatow  18  greatly  Blled  up/'  These  4|u«tatiom 
are  from  Gibs.  l>i8PLAy,0PT|iES«o.  Ts^r.,¥ok  I.  p, 
23t*-289.  They  speak  Ihe  language  of  aU  Suedtrs, 
whether  in  Europe  or  America,  Indeed,  as  tor|h^ 
mfiffd  character  of  the  constitution  of  government  kk 
that  country^  there  has  not  been  much  diwjtsity  of 
opinion^  among  pious  men  who  understand  it.  All 
admit  its  impiety.  > 

hlThe  following  quotation  shows  the  light  in  which 
the  Reformed  Preshi^enan  Church,  in  the  British  dot 
minions,  view  the  national  government. 

^^^•When  Henry  VIII.  of  England,  irast  off  the  au* 
thority  of  the  See  of  Rome,  he  did,  at  the  same  time, 
^assume  to  himself  all  that  power  in  bis  dominions, 
wjhicb  the  Pope  formerly  claimed;  and  soon  aftei^ 
wards  procured  to  have  himself  acknowledged  and 
decUred  by  act  of  parliament,  to  be  head  of  th* 
CHURCH.  This  ArUichristian  Supremacy  has  ever 
since  continued  an  essential  part  of  the  English  con- 
stitution, and  inherent  ri^t  of  the  crown.  T^ 
British  monarch  confines  i^Ws  spiritual  suprema- 
cy to  the  church  of  England,  but  extends  it  also 
over  the  church  of  Scotland,"* 

IK 


te  « In  the  revolution  of  1688,  the  seUlement  of  religion 
IS  not  a  religious,  but  a  mere  civil  and  ;;ofo7i>o/  one. 
It  appears  quite  inconsistent  with  the  revolution  set- 
tlement, to  consider  church  power  in  any  other  light, 
than  as  subordinate  to  the  power  of  the  state.f     We 


'      Ami      fljuw     >_,!   m 1       tmrt^ 


12 


76.        t  idem.  p.  60 — m. 


•*' 


0^ 


m 


tfita  H«At  eHAKA^TKH  Of 


kare  the  Idohitrous  instltullom  of  Prelacy,  establiob- 
^Hfi'th^irone  nBtiofi;jMuu  Krns^atiiauii  under  »Jbe 
spi«%inr  Itetext  t)f > Imsbyteryi  in  the  other:  niMi 
both  inder  ilti  exbtic  i»ead  of  ecclesiastk  aI  govern^ 
menf.  As  the  CimiUtvU<m$f  of  both  church  and 
state,  #6re  ErtisHanmid  antiseriptuifi ;  no  their  coii« 
duct  ever  mtste  has  been  agreeable  thereto ;  teiKiing 
evidently  to  discorer  that,  while  the  st0ie  is  rothing 
our  Redeemer  of  his  crown,  and  his  ehurth  uj  her  /i- 
berties,  the  chuich,  instead  of  testifying  against, 
gives  consent  to  these  impieties**  It  would  be  end- 
less to  attempt  an  enumeration  of  ^  the  instances  of 
the  exercise  of  £rastianism«  which  is  annually  re- 
newed. How  often/  alas !  have  the  Assemblies  been 
prorogued,  raised,  and  dissolved,  by  magistratical  att*- 
thority,  and  sometimes  without  nomination  of  anov 
ther  dfet !  How  frequently,  also,  have  fhey  been  re* 
stricted  in  their  proceedings,  ani  prelimited  as  to 
members,  and  matters  to  be  treated  of  and  discussed 
Mrein ;  depriving  some  members  of  their  liliierty  to 
sit  and  act  as  members,  though  regularly  chosen! 
an  which  eiceneise  of  Sipitian  supremacy  natively 
results  fitt>m  the  parliinitotary  settlement."t 


6.  If  ;he  congress  of  the  United  States,  in  the  year 
1776,  were  correct  in  ascribing  cruelty  to  the  poU- 
cy  of  the  British  government,  it  is  easy  to  show  the 
continuance  of  the  same  disposition  until  ibti  present 
day.  ■ 


*  p.  03. 


t  P.  64. 


#flK 


.  In  Uie  D^clftpiioQ  of  Indiqjend^nce,  Uub  FattMtrp 
of  ArufTican  Imm  assert,  |^tr«  the  ^iAqj^  of  tb« 
pniMmv  king  of  $^at  BrUai%i)|  »iiisto|^  of  rep||i>|f4 
lilies  SQd  ufuip^ioBs.    IJf   ban  pluad«re4  om 
tern,  ravaged  our  coasts  burnt  our  towns,  and  dot 
gtroyed  the  Ijisei  of  our  peojrfte.    He  k  at  tbi|s  Ham 
transporttng  large  ar   ie^  of  f<we]gn  mercenaries,  tn 
complete  tbtiwort  o*  u  ath,  desolation^  and  tyrapny, 
already  begun,  with  circumstances  ^  crueUy  an4 
ptrfidff  scared^  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  qge:^^ 
and  totally  imworiky  ike  head  of  a  civilized  ijMiion, 
He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens^  taken  captive 
on  the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country, 
to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brer 
thren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  haixis.    He  has 
excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and  |^^ 
endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  front 
tiera,  the  mercilesp  Jndiap.savages,  whose  known  rule 
of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  ^\\ 
ages,  sexes,  and  conditions/'^  ^ 

England  is  secure  in  1^  Vast  possessions; in  -4si^| 
and  such  is  the  frame  of  gfipeipmeiit  for  hey  t^ritor 
ries  in  the  East,  as  rarely  to  admit  of  discussion, 
either  in  the  parliament  or  in  her  newspfipers. 
Therefore  popular  feeling  is  never  excited  aboujt  the 
operations  of  peace  and  war  in  that  country,^  aa  it  ip 
about  the  several  events  whkh  come  to  pass  injjbe 
kingdoms  of  Europe.  Among  the  princes  of  Jtfyi^ 
??wl«tC t^riat  JPriiam  has  rioted  for  haJf  a  century, 


*%? 


'.-4-''   - 


Dec.  An;.  Indcpenilence. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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2.0 

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1.4    11.6 


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71 


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11 


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Sdences 
Corporation 


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33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  M580 

(716)  8^-4503 


'^' 


\  \ 


mB  'aiNiK».''eiiJi^ii^tttRt  mt 


o^«IJB|nim^iig>gQtfefiil  att^iOD, 
li^%i  In  jlEl$0^'m  Amerm^    merer  midm  te 

of  fr«M#^et^  froAidlM  for  titritmy  ^  (he  vi^ker  ^ 
0tiil6ff^  the  B^tbb  p«f»er  has  ^Sktt^  mofe  reTute- 
ti^m  in^be  eeui'se  of ^i^iei^  i^ms,  ^n  %f«'beeii 
•fiMed-iti  Europe  skie^  thft^li^^^yes^ltil^tliW  c^hd^ 
aieticed.  Tte  nati?e  soTei|^^^e»  tif  Ii||ift  hane 
fceeri  deceitedi  divided,  and^^c^tieredi^d  their 
•«ly  ifec^ieipefis^flbr  t|ie'  p«#er  aiid^  the  territoiy 

wWi  4he)^^sunpeit^Mlt^c<")»^^ 
lihe%  and  kid^pend^ifkii^         '      ;    ^  . 

The  iisurpatioBs,  and  4he  nifmeHjF,  and  eritelt^r  as- 
<$iibed  to  the  }ate  Emp&roMFrmCe,  are  excee<^in 
degree  and  p^tilaneiiee  by  tthe  Biitisb  gotetnment 
of  Jiidla.  In?  a  potkieal  point  of  #iewf  the  n^sepiea 
of  Afiia  are  sbtimnfiediately  iiOiferesting ;  but  in  the 
Oithnate  of  iimsal  cbaracten  the  remoteness  frod 
.us  of  the^  scene  of  action,  must  not  pr^ent  our 
lining;'  these  enoffnkiei  ^o  the  aecoimt.  In  rela^ 
Hoitif  to  |hea»,  the  4iil^  abjecfti  flatterers  of  British 
l^aitness  have  no  apology  to  offer.  These  are  not 
^pms^  mrs^  They  are  the  offa|)ring  of  the  lust<>f 
power  and  of  wealth.  None  of  the  Nid>ob$  of  ih^ 
CktrmUc  or^  Oudej  neither  Timur,  the  hero  of  Pa- 
l#|its  mrT^fpee  SuUan,  nor  the  Greed  Magulytivet 
^leatened  an  InvaRion  of  the  islands  of  4|i||i^,ai£i 
iireland.  «To  interfere  actiyely  ini^^^(^|]^stkrrf- 
feirs  of  alit  other  states ;  to  regulate  ihelstkic^ssion 
pf  their  governors;  to  take  part  in  every  quarrel; 


t<»^^cMnf  tb9  l8l|#  of  one  fmn^^M^m^^0tf'Mii^ 

iM#intfe^lbiiii  bat  oOrselFes  1^^  tcn|«iavti^%^o|l^iite^ 
on  ow  iii%libo«r»,  atid  pay  tbot»  li^^^r  i^i#i> 

the  Inglfeb  f  wbite^flfcar  ^acspoHed  for.^tk^ 

#i^idbig  aw^fil^iiig  them^I^f'^  .  ]^^|ii»id^£^. 
land  is  lJTiricb^4i  ^^liis,  aiid  not'self^df^ce,  Is^ 
^aiise  of  war  itt-the  East  Indies.,   War  is  a/t%- 
^tfM0  'Of  heaven  upon  the  nations  that  are^ngag!^  in 
eari^og  it  on.    Britain  is  seldom  or  ever  at  p^M^e 
With  iM^et  na^i#.   She  must,  as  a  body  politic,  be  a 
beiiwus  tTRBsgr^ior.    Tbere  is^  no  avoiding  the  k- 
*fer€fiK».    God  is  ^;  and  all  his  judgments  are 
truth;    LHeemici^tt  Rome,  the  most  criminal^  ftph 
tldns^^fte  boida  the  stakes  for  every  game  ^t|b 
^Iwyeti  by  tlie-  jwi^ord  and  <be  cannon,  and  wbe#vj^ 
^^hwddor  witis,  i&h«y^  ultirtiiiiy  the  gainer  by  tfe 
^u^t«}.    Fibvideiiti  wiH  overrule  ;>  and  tb^^^wtio 
tokfe  *(f  tiieifBfBs  of  iniquity^  must  ^ipeet  a  di^ 
^if  t*etributiim.  '    * 


a.>  v>.  1-9    ¥" 


Eiigtotid,  1  mdraiti  ei^yg'WHhin'4iersetf^ioM^«it*^ 
I'e^piilteiTty.    fferawble^  andin^fflKl- 

10m^iimfihiim  ^i%  0pknt  and  prospm^. 

"^     ^  ^  ^  Bdfe  Rer.  Vbl;  Ti.  p.  469. 


^,!^m<tAMmvm.mmmmm4  i  ..i,-w.»J'-i..'uiw.Pj  iiiqi^pi|||||piii||||||p|||||||| 


9^ 


TH£   MORAL   CHARA^TJCR  OF 


Her]  yeomanry,  although  burdened  wilh  taiuitioD> 
are  liealtfay,  and  industrious^  and  fioiurisMDg.  Her 
m&n«factui!i^rgr  though  embarrassed  by  the  Americaii 
w^r,  are  still  influential  and  wealthy.  The  siHrit  o§ 
liberty  in  England,  and  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  hm 
giveiii  way  for  a  time  to  the  claims  of  the  crown; 
and  |or  fear  of  foreign  domination,  the  sulijects  sul^" 
mit,  with  resignation,  to  their  doom«  The  }lidicia* 
ry,  witlj  the  exception  of  that  of  Ireland,  which  has 
always,.  Hke^  conquered  province,  been  ruled  with 
a  ro<|  of  iroi^  is  dulBciently  independent  to  adu^ 
nister  common  justice.  In  Scotland  and  England^ 
perjbnal  liberty  is  in  a  great  measure  enjoyed:  and 
yet,  ieven  in  relation  to  her  domestic  policy,  Britain 
ii^ry  cruel. 

■  ]    ■ 

In  Ireland,  for  reasons  of  state,  she  persecutes  the 
Caiholics,  It  is  not  on  account  of  their  religion  i 
for] this  she  has  always  supported  on  the  continent; 
bu^  for  their  dissent  from  the  English  hierarchy,  that 
th6  Irish  are  oppressed.  She  reduces  the  Pre^yl^ 
ri^n^  to  pay  tithes  to  an  indolent,  and  often  an  absent 
and  immoral  priesthood,  whom  they  neither  know 
B07  l«yere.  In  aU  her  dominions,  she  restrains  the 
^^it  of  independence  and  emigration  not  by  ren^ 
dering  home  comfortable,  but  by  laws  »id  officers, 
who  bind  the  intended  emigrant  as  if  by  right,  to 
the  ^pot  in  which  he  was  borri.  She  airthorkes 
bmids  and  captiFity,  by  the  preasgang,  thai  secret, 
ikddeni  and  formidable  engine  of  desp^llt  power, 
which  seizes  upon  its  victim  unaware^  and' chains 
YiHin  to  the  wheels  of  the  cannon^-^A  system  <rf  op- 


THE  BRITISH   GOYKItNMEIVT. 

pmsdon  and  cruelty,  compared  with  which,4he  Ckm^ 
seripiumof  Napoieon  was  equitable  and  desirable. 
A  tour  of  hardsbips,  foreseeiij  regulated  by  jlfiWi 
equable,  because  extending  equally  to  all  classes, /|g 
not  to  be  compared  to  a  sudden  seizure,  pairti^!, 
unexpected,  unprovided  for,  and  without  the  hope^^f 
escape.  Regular  occasional  service,  however  hard> 
ia  not  to  be  compared  to  slavery  without  redress. 

Cruelty  is  exercised  also  on  the  conscience.  Al- 
though sul^eeta'have  the  contemptible  permissioi), 
of  living  unmolested,  by  the  king,  while  they  ai^ 
silent  and  submissive;  yet  the  government  makjes  ,fi 
mockei^  of  conscience ;  corr»ipts  the  morals  of  ttiifc 
subjects  with  ensnaring  oaths  of  allegiance,  repeated, 
and  repeated;  and  constrains  them  to  forego  integ- 
rity of  religious  character,  by  partaking  of  the  ^- 
crumetUai  Tesl  as  the  price  of  admission  to  powent 

',"-'♦  ,■■,■■■(■■.■■  ■  ';...; 

There  is  ane  other  feature  of  British  polity  io 
which,  under  this  head,  1  would  direct  your  att^ji? 
tiojpk 


The  English  merchants  and  oaonopplists,  are  inen 
Qi  pnncely  fortunes.  They,  witl|  the  lords  oiikm 
seil,  and  of  the  political  church  of  the  land,  (for 
such  is  the  church  of  England  as  established  by 
law,)  may  easily  acquire  a  character  fer  spIendcMit 
and  munificence.  But  how  is  it  supported?  N€^% 
the  i8land|#f  Great  Britain.  It  is  by  the  policy^^  of 
that  government  relative  to  its  trade.  The  commec^ 
cial  monopoly  is  the  staff  of  pride  and  power.    The 


mm^^^^ 


mmmm 


w 


$6 


THE   MOIiAL  CHARACTER  OF 


ViHJrpation  of  the  seas  is  ar  art  of  iDJustice.:r  It  Imm 
system  <)f  fruelty  toward  the  weaker  atates,^  tbat 
arwes  th^m  from  the  ocea.:.  It  is  the  crueUy  of  » 
Iicenaed  robber,  that  attacks  the  traveller  upoa  ti^ 
b^hway,  and  prevents  hira  from  , prosecuting  bis 
journey  to  the  njiarket.  This,  this  is  the  cause  of 
war,.  Britain  is  rarely  at  peace,  because. she  seekib 
the  destruction  of  her  neighbours'  commerce. . 

^  War  Js  an  evil  It  is  a  school  of  vice.  It  is  * 
nursery  of  debauchery.  By  it,  cities  are.  sa^cked, 
Ind  countries  laid  waste.  The  dearest  ties  of  kin- 
dred are  unloosed,  fathers  made  childless,  children 
fatherless,  and  wivj^s  converted  into  widows.  You 
see,  brethren,  some  of  its  pernicious  effects  in 
this  city :  and  you  feel  and  lament  the  evil.  You 
bear  of  greater  evils  in  other  parts  of  our  land,  dur 
ring  the  short  period  since  war  has  upon  our  part  exr. 
isted.  You  deprecate  the  calamity.  You  regret 
the  policy  which  led  to  such  a  state  of  things.  You 
are  tempted  to  call  in  question  entirely,  the  hgiii- 
macy  of  war.  It  is  not  surprising  you  should. 
What  more  cruel,  and  less  congenial  with  the  spirit 
of  the  gospel?  But  Erigland  is  scarcely  ever  at 
peace.  Such  scenes  are  essentia]  to  her  commer- 
ciial  greatness.  Her  naval  superiority  is  her  glory. 
From  the  Baltic  to  the  Ganges,  she  is  shedding  hu- 
man blood.  And  is  she  then  innocent?  The  sigp- 
nies,  the  cries,  the  death  of  a  thousand  victims,  on 
Hie  shores,  on  the  seas,  in  the  cities  of  the  liation?, 
are  the  concomitants  of  that  immense .  opulence* 
wMch  the  traveller  admires  in  Liverpuolw^d  in  Lon- 


■  .f(p^ 


mbj  BRITISH  1!}OVeri)^|ie«}i.. 


97 


1^  ymty  years  of  pe^cd,  fii  the  ciyilfeed  world, 
#oilW  induce  Gmt  BriiaAthom  her  ^k  among 
«lie  toritions.  Allow  tbe  ddrttSnental  pollers  of  Ei^ 
^^'Aee  and  fair  commerce;  allow  to  iJ^k 
IJttifcd  Sfates  the  unrestraiiied  right  of  carryiyg 
<hetf  trade  from  gea  to  tea,  add  from  rtation  t6  w- 
^r^ow^  ^oall  the  liations  equal  rights,  whii.. 
pify^  the  deep,  uninterrupted  by  the  men  (f  war, 
and  the  glory  of  England,  like  that  of  Tyre,  shaU 
f",  *^,"«^;no  more.    Her  policy  is  in  w^r;  an4 


.,.! 


^difcttjsloif. 


^Arim,  i^  Ga^ernnter^di  which  we  hare 
"^f^^fii^  4afok«^  MnevertJiele^  entHled 
th  our  christian  attentii&n  aqd  ^dmiratioii    1^ 
Ihe  sciences  ^i^m'nt^^^iimx^ai^ 
t^nd  most  Kberatty  fward^,  :^^e^.  ^n^i 
ch^ian.  i^  e^it  denominiition,  i4^fe  honourable 
^ife,  who  feMdo^tii^  Ibfpromotiog^^A^^ 
«f  j^veal^d  tratt  itoiughout  tt^  World.    Thfer^ 
treasure  is  collected,  and  hands  are  €?niployed,  for 
fetching  over  th^  perishing  heathen  the  curtains  of 
Zfort.    There,  exists  that  noble  institutiod,  which  ex^ 
€feeds  any  thmg  that  has  hitherto  been  e^bifished  by 
christian  exertions.  The  British  j^n  Poreigbt  Bi- 
PLE  SociEtY^A  river  of  life,  which,  with  its  thou- 
sand  streams,  flows  through  every  kingdom  of  the 
world-watering,  refreshing,  and  fructHyW,  until  the 
wilderness  become  like  Eden,  and  the  desert  like 
the  garden  of  the  Xord.    There,  in  despite  of  the 

13 


4. 


-■mm§m^ww9iW'W9iKm'mm^^^'^^ 


9^ 


cjfmauiiam- 


iaimara]  tendency  of  the  laws ;  in  despjiie  of  the  pub- 
lic prostitMtioD  of  religion^  in  despite  of  tbe  priidi^, 
and  the  debauchery,  and  the  licentiousness  of  ti»e 
great;  and  of  the  misery,  the  baseness,  the  wick^* 
ness  of  the  rabble,  which  prowl  through  the  streets 
of  the  populous  cities; — ^there,  exist  much  patriotism 
«nd  courage,  a  feeling  of  personal  liberty  and  inde- 
I)endence,  learning,  and  talent,  and  piety,  and  great 
domestic  order  and  happiness.  . 
»'       ■'      .  '  •    .     ,• 

We  admit  all  this  with  pleasure ;  we  pray  for  the 
:prosperity  of  christian  men  and  christian  institutions ; 
we  are  anxious  to  hold  them  up  to  others  for  imita- 
tion; we  love  them  sincerely;  and  we  supplicate  the 
throne  of  grace  for  their  promotion  and  perma- 
nen<s$ '.  but  ^^  do  not  admit  them  as  a  justification 
oC  th^  mh  we  have  pointed  out.  They  increase  in- 
stead of  diminishing  the  guilt  of  the  government. 
It  is  tl^e  ;art  of  the  writers  of  romanco;  it  is  the 
great  evil  of  the  d^ama,  to  introduce  a  charapter 
possessfidof^rcertaia. noble  traits,  that  may  palliate 
iindi^commend  vice  and  impiety ;  and  so  pollute  the 
morals  «of  the  wnwary.  Wo  to  them  that  call  good 
evil,  And  evil  good;  Uiat  put  bitter  for  sweet,  and 
sweet  for ,  bitter*  We  distinguish ;  we  contrast  the 
good  with  the  bad:  and  while  we  adinitandapppoTc 
what  is  righteous,  among  the  people  of  those  islands, 
we  bear  ,our  decided  .testimony  against  the  usurpa- 
tion, the  superstition,  the  apostacy,  the  Drastianlsm, 
and  tbe  crweUy  of  the  Bi?itish  system  of  goTcrn- 
^[nent..   .  -  n-^^:  '^^i 


CORCLCStOIt. 


#9 


^  I  hate  now,  my  brethren,  weighed  mikehdmies, 
t^Bntifih  monarchy  and  ^e  American  rep«bKr. 
Tliey  are  both  /omirf,  in  aome  instancies,  mntim> 
But  the  difference,  in  point  of  immorality,  between 
them  IS  great.    There  is  scarcely  any  comparis^. 
Our  country  has  indeed  transgressed,  dnd  we  are  at 
thte  moment  suffering  the  chastisement  which  we  de- 
lerve.    The  enemy  is  let  loose  upon  our  borderg. 
©od  grant  to  us  the  sanctified  use  of  the  blow,  and 
direct  us  to  the  means  proper  for  warding  it  off. 
May  the  God  of  heavsn  succeed  our  efforts,  in  the 
fteW,  on  the  lakes,  on  the  ocean,  and  iri  the  councils 
of  negotiation,  for  bringing  tlie  enemy  to  a  sense  of 
justice, 

.     '       ,        '  ■         ■'        "'•     ■   *   '        ■    ■  vf 

[  Should  we  suppose  an  intelligent  man  elevated-lo 
some  spot  in  space,  abovd  the  world,  whence,  w^- 
out  partiality  to  eithier  of  the  bel%erents,  he  cdUld 
take  a  survey  of  both,  and  mark  the  contest  be- 
tween them~He  would,  iipon  principles  of  humattt- 
ty,  wish  success  to  the  m6st  innocent  in  the  corab#. 
Independently  of  the  causes  which  produced  the 
strife,  and  of  the  consequencfes  which  would  result, 
this  uiust  certainly  be  the  wishes  of  a  philanthropitt 
on  beholding  the  Character  of  the  parties  at  wa|-. 
Did  you  see  a  youth  of  mild  demeanour,  and  of 
known  integrity,  engaged  with  an  experienced  and 
long  practised  boxer,  who  made  a  trade  of  boasting 
and  of  battle,  you  would  instinctively  wish  that  this 
youth  might  escape  unhurt,  or  come  off  victorious. 
The  mference  I  draw  is,  that,  in  the  present  coirtest. 
between  the  belligerents,  described  in  this  discouraft. 
humanity  wishes  success  to  our  own  country. 


LJ  jpill  lilJillili^P^HIMIpipiipiPPPili^ 


•vl' 


MMf 


cbvetx3»totn 


To  the  causes  and  proximate  consequences  of  the 
|>resent  war,  I  intend,  hereafter,  to  turn  your  atten- 
tion. Independently  of  these,  our  acquaintance  with 
the  nationa]  character  of  the  parties,  furnishes, an  ar- 
gument in  support  of  our  hopes. 

There  ia  an  eye  above  the  earth,  that  knows  the 
nations,  that  marks  their  conduct,  that  observes  the 
strife.  There  is  a  Man,  elevated  above  the  world, 
with  whom  is  no  respect  of  persons,  who  is  touched 
with  the  feelings  of  our  infirmities,  and  wil)  award 
to  men  and  to  empires  their  due.  Christians,  it^  j» 
your  RefJeemer.  Behold  him  on  high,  at  the  right 
hand  of  God,  exalted  abave  all  principalities  and 
powers.  He  is  Prince  of  the  kings  of  the  earth. 
He  rules  in  the  battle.  He  directs  the  storm.  He  is 
mindful  of  individuals.  He  will  save  them  that  trust 
iuhim.  He  will  bless  and  protect  his  church,  while  the 
nations  are  at  war.  He  invites  you  to  come  under  the 
^adow  of  his  wings.  There  you  shall  have  rest 
His  voice  of  peace  is  heard,  while  his  hand  controli 
the  battle.  Yes,  brethren,  while  his  Almighty  fin-^ 
ger  writes  upon  the  palace^wall  this  sentence  against 
the  nations,  Mene,  Mene,  Tekel,  Upharsin,  to  you 
ke  says.  Come,  my  people,  enter  thou  into  thy  eham- 
hers,  and  shiU  thy  doors  about  thee :  hide  thyself  as  it 
mre/or  a  little  moment,  until  the  indignation  be  over- 
fasU    Amen. 


fc*' 


Ijm 


'\hS  lawfulness  or  Dr.FlSNSIVE  WAR, 


.'♦ 


•iWMf%- 


i'i^'%' 


SERMON  III. 

With,  good  advice  make  war,    Prov.  xx.  l-fl. 

kim'^f^  ^tf if, "•)-.■       .     • 

▼▼  HEN  the  sbn  of  Jesse  Was  pursued  by  6ati^,'  fktf 
king  of  Israel,  among  the  sheep-cotes  of  Engedi,^^  y 
had  an  opportunity  of  inflicting  personal  tengeatie^ 
upon  his  persecutor,  iiia  care  t<>  which  he  had  1^ 
tired.    The  itemptation  was  strong;  bift  XMid  f^ 
sis<e&  it,  wdting  the  time,  appointed  %y  ttie  lio^; 
fcjr  his  own  exaltation  to  the  thtorie.    He%rti!tei 
himself,  by  an  ancient  maxim,  in  the  r^^ntiotlef 
pefmitting  the  escape  of  his  enemy;  and  t6  that 
provertjial  saying  he  aftemards  referred  kii^  iSbi^/ 
whb  Wassttrpris6d  at  Ibis  rematiEable  lostan<^  of  ^' 
tiente  and  rrfagnabimity  up6h  the  part  df  umti^m 
jtited  man.    "The  L6rd  at^nge  me  of  tlie^:  bti« 
mine  hand  shall  M  U  tipoit  ttiee.    As  stidlh  mpf^ 
verb  of  the  ancients,  wickedness  proceededi  fWnu  f^ 
wicked:  but  mine  hand  ftball  ndtf  be  upon  thee.''*  It 
appears  from  this  expression,  that,  in  this  eWMy  a|»< 
David  revered  the  practical  wisdom  and  morality  of 
antiquity,  as  communicated  to  posterity  in  pro- 


%im 


"WW" 


-  iUlpif  ...PH 


'^m^iig^limmm^mimmKmm^ 


102 


tk 


e   LAWFULirCSS  OF 


Terbs.  It  becomes  us,  who  believe  in  the  scriptures, 
to  hold  in  superior  veneration  the  ancient  aphorisms 
of  Uie  san  of  David.  These  are  not  merely  descrip- 
tive of  the  general  temper  and  morale  of  thea^e; 
but  are  maxims  of  sacred  law  for  the  direction  of 
our  conduct  in  every  situation  of  life.  They  have 
a  higher  authority  than  antiquily,  to  recommend 
them.  The  proverbs  of  ^Solomon  are  the  dictates  of 
the  jjohf  Ghost, 


'Kt 


The  writer  had,  under  the  influence  of  this  spirit, 
tl»e  power  of  givhig  peculiar  point  to  the  proverbial 
style ;  and  from  bis  works,  as  from  an  abundant  store- 
house* succeeding  ^ges  have  drawn  their  best  max- 
ima. Desirous  of  employing  his  great  Wlsdpm  for 
the  benefit  of  mankind,  this  enlightened  monarch 
devoted  his  leisure  hours  to  writiipg  for  their  instruc- 
tion. Hi*  productions  were  numerous  and  compre- 
hensive, fiesides  hU  three  thousand  proverbs,  and  his 
one  thousand  and  Jive  songs,  or  poems;  he  spake 
rf  trees,  from  the  cedar  to  the  hyssop,  of  beasts,  of 
fotols,  of  creeping  thpngs,  and  of  fishes.  His  works 
ojD  natural  history  ^xe  lost  to  us  for  ever.  Let  us 
not  repine;  but  with  gratitude  and  submission,  iip- 
prove  bis  doctrinal  and  moral  writings,  for  our  oirii 
edification. 


.-i-r'  , 


In  the  verse,  which  I  have  chosen  for  my  text,  the 
mse  man  recommends  caution  and  circumspjsction. 
(Jopd  counsellpr^  while  they  dp  not  destroy  the  de- 
cisiveness oif  ph^acter,  necessary  to  success  on  great 
emergencies,  furimh  the  infoirflEmtib&  required,  in  or- 


DtniniTi:  WAS. 


^w 


der  to  act  wHb  underatanding  and  wHb  confldencc. 
In  <ho8e  disputes  between  mHons,  whicb  mint  ulli- 
inateJy  be  settled  by  a  trial  of  arms,  sucb  adYttere 
are  peculiarly  estimable.  Every  purpose  it  esttM^ 
y0Jbjf  eounsel :  mid  with  good  advice  make  war.  , 

■.■'■"',       ■  -  '         ' 

The  peaceful  son  of  David,  declares  in  this  apho- 
rism, the  duty  of  waging  war,  and  of  waging  it  on/^ 
with  prudence.  He  did  this  under  divine  inspiratioii. 
He  spoke  the  language  of  good  sense,  of  sound  polh 
cyjf  and  of  true  piety.  He  gave  an  advice,  perfectly 
5Jorre9ponding  with  that  given  afterwards  by  ov 
liord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Prince  of  peace,  of  whoroj^ 
lomon  was  the  type.  Luke  xiv.  31.  What  king  gt^ 
ing  to  make  war  against  another  king,  sitteth  not  douMi 
first,  and  consuUetb,  whether  he  he  able— to  meet.tim4^ 
This  mode  of  reasoning,  is  a  New  Testament  con- 
firmation of  the  Old  Testament  doctrine,  with  ^hop 

ADVICE   MAKE   W\\R. 


<*■-;     t" 


'i'-j 


f-. 


The  plan  of  ray  discourse  on  this  text,  I  now  Ijiy 
before  you.  ■  -'^r^r  .,  r--^- /^  ^'■■■\.-; -^ 

War  is,  in  certain  cases,  lawful^Lawfui  war  is  de- 
fensive with  a  rational  prospect  of  success-^Such  a 
war  ought  to  he  supported. 

These,  my  christian  brethren,  are  very  plain  as- 
sertions. They  are  the  principles  of  hiy  text.  The 
truth  of  each  proposition  is  so  obvious,  that  there  is, 
indeed,  little  need  of  either  argument  or  proof :  but, 
there  is  no  truth,  however  self-evident,  that  some  one 


t^ 


'EJ^  i.A9rFia.NCSt  Of 


'  H'.if 


4m%  i)Qi^i«piit)e.  Cire9t^t«liMitftlmv«  hem  eoiplove^ 
ifr  the  learned  worlds  to  |im?e  that  I  rta^reQsonaUlT' 
4o»hi  of  «iy  own  ^isteBce.  Jn  the  cbf  istian  worH 
«broe  ingenuity  has  been  employed^'  to  disprove  t^ 
positions  now  la^d  dewji^  and  of  counse  tf>  pra.*^^ 
the  ciyilized  wodd  from  acting  upon  tbem. 

.iv^fi|>id  ^  ariptmonis,  which  af<e  used  \W  dfa^w^l 
%ar  18  prohihited  k  ^veiy^asci  by  the  chrislian^^e- 
ligiQB^  lend  in  faetto  diminish  the  efit,  I^ertainl^ 
should  never  raise  my  voioe  against  them.  Know* 
kig,  however*  that  tliey  are  n&i  only  untrUe*  but  tin^ 
<^raliv« ;  fK>t  only  unoperative  as  to  the  dbject 
professed  J  but  mischievoiis  in  their  coneeqiifehee^ 
by  fostering  the  evil  which  they  propose  to'pretfent* 
I  Jb6?:.at  my  duly  <o  meet  thena,  and  refute  them. 
I^putatioits  more  frequently  engender  strife,  thatt 
minister  to  the  use  of  ediiying;  Calling  ^n'qctestfoir 
tjbe  lawfulness  of  war,  in  any  case,  puzzles,  and  di- 
vides the  well-mstiaiiingpartof  the  cdniimmity;  but 
bas  no  other  influence  upon  the  designing,  than  to 
^md  them  an  opportunity  of  converting  to  thteii* 
own  schemes,  the  existing  contentions  and  preju- 
<Mces.'-  *•  ■■ 


By  producing  distractions  in  the  more  simple,  and 
free,  and  .nora]  states,  the  unprincipled  arid  arab}-^ 
tious  politicians  of  the  nations  are  encouraged  to 
powi  f0r  their  prey^  and  deni  in  unceasing  wars.  It 
is  not  by  dispuiing  the  right  of  enacting  penal'  sta* 
tutesy  and  inflicting  punishment^  that  domestic  peac^ 
,#nd  ord^r  are  secured;  but  by  instructing  the  coiii- 


BEFEKSITE   WAR. 


105 


Jnunity  in  their  legitimacy  and  utility;  and  so,  com- 
mandiflg  the  whole  force  of  the  nation,  in  support 
of  the  arm  of  authority,  in  executing  speedily,  upon 
the  disturbers  of  their  repose,  the  merited  sentente 
of  the  law.    It  is  in  the  same  way,  and  for  the  same 
reasons,  that  internationai  equity  and  peace  will  be 
seemed  to  the  wdrld.    When  nations  shall  come  to 
understand  the  rights  of  war  and  peace ;  when  they 
shall  be  prepared  to  judge  of  the  justness  of  com- 
bats; when  they  shall  be  disposed,  without  distrac- 
tion, to  yield  their  support  to  equitable   claims; 
when  they  shall  be  prepared  to  undertake,  and  to 
maintain  lawful  war  against  the  aggressor,  then,  and 
not  till  then,  shall  states  be  allowed  to  enjoy  undis- 
turbed quietness,  and  to  rest  in  the  bosom  of  peace. 
Therefore  do  I  now  undertake  an  illustration  of  the' 
truths   which  I  have  proposed  from  the  text,  in4he 
order  already  mentioned.  . 

I.   War  is,  in  certain  casesy  lawful. 

The  strife  of  arms,  in  which  man  is  set  against 
man,  and  people  against  people,  is,  in  all  cases,  an 
evil  to  be  deplored.  In  most  instances,  it  is  a  crime 
in  both  the  parties;  and  in  every  instance,  there  is 
on  the  part  of  one  of  them,  injustice  towards  the 
other.  It  is  permitted  of  God,  for  the  correction 
and  punishment  of  transgressions,  and  it  is  to  be  re- 
ferred, for  its  source  among  men,  to  the  corrupt 
passions.  Of  the  works  of  the  flesh  are  these,  hatred, 
V(  ianee,  emulatimsy  wrath,  strife.     Front  Pjhme^^^^^ 


rrr.-—  ■s.-irsras; 


14 


im 


THt*  lM.yi^iVLtfEm  OF 


'Hffjtps  and  Jlghthigs  ainang  ymtf  come  they  mot  hence, 
*i^l*t  of  your  lusti  thai  war  in  your  members  ,^ ' 

Far  be  it  from  ttie,  while  explaining  the  preoept 
ef  my  Gt)d,  "With  good  advice  make  war,"  to  en- 
courage that  which  is  sinful:  to  cherish  the  maleyo- 
lent  passions:  or  to  recommend  the  military  life  a« 
desirable;  It  is  to  suppress  the  malevolence  of  man, 
to  redress' injuries,  to  pronrote  righteousness,  tlwit 
the  sovereign  of  the  world  6ver  authorized  an  ap- 
peal to  the  sword:  and  it  is  with  the  same  design  I 
'Tindicate  the  morality  of  what  he  hath  authorized* 
Strange  phraseology,  indeed,  to  be  required  amdng 
christians,  vindicatiB  the  morality  of  what  God  hath 
4mthori«ed!  and  yet  it  is  required  in  this  discussion. 


'    Waft  IS  the  employment  op   force  under  the 

SOTEREIGN     AUTHORITY     OF     ONE     CIVIL    COMMUNITY 

AGAINST  ANY  OTHER.f  That  it  is  lawful  to  use  suck 
force,  I  shall  shoi^  from  reason  and  ixom  scripture', 

4<.i^'  gr%jg  lawfulness  if  war  is  a  deduction  of  soUmd 

ftasoningi  from  the  circumstances  of  civil  life, 

~^* ,      '■*•.,■       ..■■.'  * 

*  To^'ve  in  a  state  of  society  is  both  the  duty  and 
the  privilege  of  man.  It  is  the  Creator  of  the  worW^ 
who  said.  It  is  not  good  that  man  should  be  alone.    A 

, ,  *  Gal.  V.  19,  20.  and  James  iv.  1. 

,  t,lti  all  correct  reasoning,  it  is  necessary  to  keep  in  vievr  the 
jmeaning  of  the  words  we  employ.  "  War  is  that  state  in  which  a 
l»tioB  proBeciites  its  right  by  force."    Fattcl, 


DEPENSiy^  WAp, 


m 


S^i  part  of  the  active  principles  of  kuam  a^e 
would  uemain  unimproved  and  unemployed,  md 
much  <rf"  his  happiness  would  neces&ariiy  be  cut  oft; 
were  man  doomed  to  a  perpetual  seclusion  Irfwi^  so- 
ciety, and  constrained  to  spend  his  life  in  solitude. 
It  knot,  however,  to  be  expected,  Ihat  a  ?<^te  of  90* 
ciety;can  exist  on  earth,  during  tlie  co^tinuftnc^  of 
our  imperfection,  in  which  no  error  in  m€«^  jn^^ill 
obtain.    Humanum  est  errare,    IJivei'siUep  ofr  if^ws, 
and  of  inclinations,  and  of  interests,  cannot  faiitp  pjFO-' 
dMce  discord;  ^nd  the  corrupt  propensities  of  in^^ 
viduals  require,  for  the  preservation  of  social  Qr4e^, 
that  the  power  of  suppressing  evils  should  be.placed 
in  thehands  of  competent  authority.    Anadvisor^^ 
«*or%,  unless  endowed  with  the  right  of  emp%<j^c 
force,  would  be  found  a  nullity.    Thus,  as  society  is 
necessary  to  man,  and  government  is  necessary  to 
society,4he  application  of  force  is  essential  to  boUu 
and  the  application  of  force  to  the  correction  of  er- 
roneo«a  conduct,  necessarily  ^replies,  that  civil  gj^ 
ciety  has  the  power  of  property,  liberty^  life,  and 
death,  over  every  member.    Such  is  the  constitution 
of  society.    Soch  is  the  wili,  of  God,  expressed  in 
the  constitution  of  human  nature.    Let  theory  say 
what  it  will,  it  is  a  fact,  that  civil  society  has  ,the 
right  of  taking  away  by  force  the  life  of  any  of  its 
members. 


In  vain  am  I  told,  by  visionary  theorists,  that  man 
has  not  the  right  of  taking  away  his  own  life.  I  kmw 
it  The  Lord  giveth  life.  He  only  has  the  right  of 
taking  it  away,  or  of  ordering  another  to  take  it 


im 


THE  liAWFtPLNESS  OF 


aWiy«  In  vaih  am  I  told,  that  society  has  only  the 
rights  which  individuah  have  surrendered  to  it:  and 
that  bf  course  it  has  not  the  right  of  taking  away  my 
life,  seeing  I  could  not  surrender  what  was  not  at 
fny  dption.  Idid  not  make  myself  a  social  beings 
God  mad^  me  so.  Society  is  his  creature.  From  Imn 
it  derives  the  right  of  self-preserration.  Civilians 
and  Divines  behove  to  attend  to  this  fact.  It  is 
Atheism,  hewever  it  may  be  disguised,  that  supports 
thfe  contrary  principle.  He  is  a  short-sighted  States* 
ildan,  who,  enamoured  of  the  theories  of  ^eccm'to^ 
^nd  Voltaire,  argues  against  the  right  of  capital  pit- 
nishmMrils,  in  any  case.  It  is  not  humcmiiyf  but 
/b%,  that  dictates,  this  doctrine.  He  is  a,  short- 
sighted Divine,  who  is  seduced  by  the  reasonings  of 
George  Fox  and  William  Perm.  It  is  not  religion ; 
but  fhnaticismi  that  is  promoted  by  such  arguments. 

I  know,  that  small  societies,  in  the  bosom  of  regu- 
lairly  organized  nations — I  know^  that  ecclesiastical 
bodies  may  exist,  without  the  application,  upon  their 
own  p^rt;  of  violence  to  any  member;  but  the  power 
of  foWe  must  exist  somewhere,  otherwise,  one  unru- 
ly member  might  destroy  any  such  society. 


Laws  are  necessary  to  guard  the  rights  of  proper- 
ty ;  but  if  society  have  no  right  to  transfer,  so  much 
of  the  debtor's  property,  against  his  will,  into  the 
hands  of  the  creditor,  ^s  may  satisfy  equityi  laws 
are  a  non-entity :  again,  if  the  debtor  resists  the  offi- 
cers of  the  law,  and  society  has  no  right  toikpjrfy 
v^rce  in  any  case,  the  debtor  e&capes  with  impunity> 


PSFfiNSlTK  WAK, 


m^ 


and  laughs  at  the  law.  LegislatioB  is  still  a  nullity; 
Ifforcemay  be  spiled  in  any  measure,  short  of  inr 
flicting  wounds  and  death;  if  the  debtor  knows  be- 
forehand, that  no  power  dare  touch  his  life,  he  may 
arm  himself;  he  may  escape  the  law  with  all  its 
other  force;  and  he  may  lay  under  contribution,  to 
bis  cupidity, ey^ry  member  of  the  community.  There 
must  in  such  case  be  an  end  to  society.  This  is  c% 
vious  to  every  man.  Each  state  is  of  (;purse  conj^ 
pelled  to  arm,  with  the  sword,  the  civil  magistrate, 
Each  individual  will  say,  though  I  have  no  right  tp 
destroy  my  life  1  have  power  to  amputate  a  mein- 
ber  for  the  preservation  of  the  bodjp^ ;  and  each  stale 
will  say.  I  have  power  to  cut  off  any  member  f<^ 
the  safety  of  the  whole. 

'  ■  ■     ■       .  •  *  .  9 

.  This  argument  puts  beyond  a  doubt  the  lawfulness 
of  war.  Civil  punishment  is  the  exercise  of  force  upon 
an  enemy y  to  the  community  of  which  he  is  a  memher. 
The  lowest  degree  of  punishment,  involves  the  right 
of  taking  the  life  of  the  criminal,  if  resistance  on  W 
part  render  the  application  of  such  force  necessary. 
Most  assuredly  then,  if  the  aggressor  be  of  a  differ- 
ent community,  and  be  authorized  hy  such  comiiju- 
nity  to  act  as  an  enemy,  the  sovereign  power  of  the 
injured  commonwealth  may  lawfully  resist  even  i^nto 
blood;  and  may  «pply  the  degree  and  kind  of  force 
necessary  to  correct  ♦he  evil.  If  the  right  of  waging 
warbe  wkhheld  fri,ii  the  body  politic,  there  is  an 
end  to  the  independence  of  nations,  and  all  society 
is  diiiolved. 


m 


'^%|#'^l'U*'KfiSi   Of 


^,»easoiiing  upon  these  principles,  I,  am  constrained 
to  pronounce  the  contrary  opinions,  by  wimtever 
names,  and  from  whateyer  motives,  they  are  urged, 
both  unreasonable  and  dangerous.  It  is  the  will  of 
God,  expressed,  in  the  constitution  of  society,  thi^ 
nations  have  a  right  to  wage  war:  and  if  it  sliould 
^jer  be  made  manifest,  that  the  Deity*  by  positive 
injunction,  prohibited  the  exercise  of  this  right,  I 
would  indeed  submit  to  his  decision,  and  submitiron 
I^idtly ;  but  I  would  also  infer,  that,,  in  making 
such  prohibition,  he,  who  knows  the  coasequences  of 
his  own  laws,  had  also  ordered  t^e  dissolution  of  so-, 
eiety  itself.  So  far  is,  tlie  revelation,  of  his  grace* 
from  giving  countenance  to  such  absurdities,  that  1 
am  enabled  thereby  to  support  the  principle  urged? 
in  my  text.  With  goo4  advice  make  war, 

^^  ^c  lawfulness  of  war  is  evident  from  the  scrips, 
tures,,   . 


^Jft  presenting  the  argument,  dyawn  from  the  ex- 
pression of  thevWillof  God,  in  the  sacred  ofacles*  in 
fayour  of  the  right  ^cif  making  war,  I  do  iiot  forget  ou 
conceal,  that  it  is  principally  contained  in  the  Old 
Testament.  I  also  know,  that  in  the  opinions  of 
many  professors  of  religion,  this  is  a  sufficient  reason 
for  rejecting  the  proof.  As  all,  that  referred  to  a 
Saviour  expected,  but  not  Si»  yet  mmfeskd  in  tlte 
Jksh,  in  the  Old  Testament  dispensation,  has  been 
superseded  by  the  Redeemer,  |n  his  mission,  suffer- 
ings, and  exaltation;    as    all,    who  believe   in  his 


^BFWwrm  WAit 


m 


iwAie,  are  not  of  sufficient  discerttmettt,  to  distin- 
guish between  morality  and  mere  HtUal  economy; 
and  as  prejudice  and  convenience  are  fruitful  in  nUi»- 
apprehension  and  misapplication,  it  is  not  wonderl^V 
that  some  of  our  brethren  should  be  tempted  to  undfeii 
value  the  principles  of  moral  order  which  are  revealed 
by  the  prophets.    It  is,  nevertheless,  a  matter  of  la^ 
mentation,  that  such  misunderstanding  should  be  so  ge- 
neral and  injurious.    Very  few  christian  societies  fex- 
ist,  who  have  not  erred  on  this  subject.    The  churtjil 
membership  of  our  offspring— the  use  of  our  psalm- 
ody—the theology  of  civil  polity— the  exigence  even 
of  moral  obligation— the  utility  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment>  have  all,  by  different  sects  of  professed  chris- 
tians,   been    called  in    question  on  this  account, 
"There  is  not,"  says  one,*  «  a  revelation  of  a  future 
state  made  to  those  who  lived  before  the  advent  of 
Messiah."     "Where,"   fjays  another,!   *will   you 
find  in  the  Old  Testament,    the  doctrine  of  faith, 
or  of  imputed  righteousness."     While  the  minds 
of  christians  are   thus  amazed  and  bewildered,  it 
ought  not  to  surprise  us  that  some  good  men  faav« 
denied  the  applicability  of  the  argument,  in  supjiort 
of  the  right  ai  waging  mar,  y/hkh  all  admit,  k 
abundantly  to  be  found  in  the  bible.    And  yet,  w« 
are  not  permitted  to  give  up  those  great  principle! 
of  morality,  which  it  hath  pleased  God  to  reveal,  and 
t®  sanction  with  his  own  iauthority.    It  is  due  to  itif 

*  Bhhop  Warburton.^ 
t  Rev.  Mr.  Freeman,  of  Newburgh. 


"wPi..  ■ 


■■% 


Ite 


TH£  I/AWPULNESS  OF 


hearers,  to  89}^,  that,  in  referring  for  proof  to  inspired 
^aen  before  the  incarnation  of  our  Lord,  I  do  it  upon 
this  broad  principle,  that  morality  and  piety  arE 

XSSENTIALLY  THE  SAME  IN  EVERY  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD.  . 

i 

Man  is  essentially  the  same  through  all  genera- 
^ns.    God  is  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for 
ever.    The  image  of  God,  on  the  soul  of  man,  is  at 
all  times  and  places  of  the  same  character.    Precepts, 
the  reason  of  which  is  laid  in  changeable  circum- 
gtances,  cease  or  change  with  the  occasion ;  but  prinr 
ciplesy  founded  upon  permanent  relations,  are  unalter- 
able. Although  men  should  now  pretend  to  more  holiT 
ness  than  was  possessed  by  Abraham,  by  David,  by 
Samuel,  by  Elijah,  and  Nehemiah,    this,  however 
great  the  assumption  upon  their  part,  would  not  jus- 
tify their  denial  of  the  right  of  war,  unless  they 
eoqld  at  the  same  time  show,  that  human  nature  is 
not  now  what  it  was,  or  that  God,  the  Lawgiver,  has 
undergone  mutation  both  of  nature  and  of  will.    If 
holiness,  now,  is  the  same  as  ever,  then  is  war  as  law- 
i^l  as  formerly ;  for  that  it  cannot  have  been  for- 
bidden by  him  who  once  autliorized  it,  is  evident 
from  the  fact,  that  there  is  no  reason  for  a  change 
of  law,  as  well  as  from  the  necessity  of  its  legitima- 
cy, if  society  be  not  entirely  dissolved.* 

We  now  proceed  to  lay  before  you,  from  both  the 
Old  and  the  New  Testameats,  (for  in  this  case  I 


*  S«e  the  preceding;  argumeDt,  page  100. 


DBrfcirsiYI:  WARit' 


tm 


urwke  lio  difference  betirecrt^  tfi©ni)%  liiimiiafy  ▼!©# 
of  tfae  argument  in  defence  of  the  right  of  waging 
war.  W6  have  in  the  Wbl^,  in  vindication  of  thig 
maxim,  Affprm}ed  facU—BoHrinea-^Preeepli  and^ 
prorfsr-^Promises  and  prayers. 


•.•*■•  fr 


First.  Approved  facts.  The  history  of  Abram^ 
<^  Moses,  of  Joshua,  of  the  Judges,  of  the  Kings, 
«id  the  ©oternors,  affbrds  such  an  abundiince  of  i#. 
stances,  in  which  war  has  been  waged  by  Divine  ap^ 
probation,  and  often  at  his  express  command,  that 
there  is  no  need  of  speciftcation^  I  do  not,  therefore/ 
take  up  your  timo  with  references  and  explication^./' 

'Second.  Scripture  doctrine  inculcates  the  niaxim; 
liAke  my  proof  from  the  New  Testament  as  weil  at 
from  the  Old.  Rom.  xiii.  3,  4.  "For  Rulers  arK 
not  A  TERROR  to  good  works,  but  to  THk  EVIL,  ffilt  tkou 
then  ndt  be  afrdid  of  the  vow erI  For  he  is  the  mi- 
jiihTER  OF  eoD  fo  mee  for  good.  But  ifthoudo  thai 
wHkh  ii  etil,  be  afraid;  for  he  beareth  not  ths 
sWoRO  IN  VAiw  •  for  he  is  the  minister  of  God,  a  re# 
VENGEH  TO  EXECUTE  WRATH  upon  him  that  doeth  evU, 

I  never,  in  the  course  of  my  reading,  met  with  so 
perfect  a  description  of  the  nature,  the  duty,  the  pro- 
vince, and  the  design  of  civil  government,  in  so  short 
a  compass,  as  we  find  in  the  first  six  verses  of  this 
chapter.  Without  reference  to  any  particular  coun* 
try,  but  with  a  perfect  applicability  to  all,  the  apos- 
tle lays  down  the  doctrine. of  dvU sovereignty,  accord- 


the  christian  law;  and  he  ailords  anothei- 


tu 


THB  UkWrULNKSS  OV 


evidence  of  a  tratb,  which  ought  never  to  be  forgot^ 
ten,  by  those  who  consider  man  in  his  social  charac- 
ter, that  the  revealed  will  of  God  embraces  the  true 
philosophy  of  government.  Individual  man  derives 
from  God  the  right  of  self-government  Hence  the 
sacred  origin  of  personal  liberty.  Man,  in  his  col- 
lective capacity,,  derives  from  God  the  right  of  go- 
vernment; hence  tiie  magistrate  is  his  ordinance-^ 
He  is  the  minister  of  God.  The  design  of  this  insti- 
tution is  the  good  of  society — He  is  the  minister  of 
God  for  good.  His  province  is  the  protection  of 
virtue,  and  the  suppression  of  evil.  Riders  are  not 
a  terror  to  good  works,  but  to  the  evil.  In  sup- 
pressing evil,  the  national  sovereignty  is  divinely 
armed  with  vengeance — The  minister  of  God  a  ri- 
titiger  to  cjfeeftte  wrath. 

These  are  not  the  wordis  of  a  vain  philosopher,, 
carelessly  slumbering  over  ideal  plans  of  reform. 
They  are  words  of  truth.  The  idea  of  civil  punish- 
ment which  they  convey,  diffei-s  entirely  from  the  fa- 
natical imaginations  of  deluded  minds,  and  from  the 
pretended  discoveries  of  infidel  humanity.  The 
sword  of  the  sovereign,  is  not  merely  disciplinary  as 
,  an  instrument  of  reform ;  it  is  also  for  vengeance, 
iPunishment  is  not  prospective,  but  retrospective.  It 
contemplates  not  so  much  the  capability  of  improve- 
ment, as  the  guilt  of  its  subject.  It  is  the  connex- 
ion established  by  the  moral  Governor  of  the  uni- 
verse between  pain  and  crime.  This  is  punishment : 
and  iie  is  but  a  novice  in  the  science  of  jurisprur 
denc^  who  has  the  idea  yet  to  learn. 


DiriirSITB  WAR. 


416 


Now  tf  the  magistrate  ddes  not  bear  the  sw<^  it 
Tfiin.be  mustuseit;    It  is  ptit  in  hit  hand  not  for  show, 
but  for  execution.    He  k  not  decked  in  military  ha^ 
biliments  for  mere  parade.    He  inita.on  his  armour,  to 
■trike  with  terror  the  enemies  of  bis  country.    God 
gives  him  the  Hght  of  waging  wat.    He  is  the  mtViiV 
iet  of  God,  attending  conHnudlfy  on  ikis  very  thing. 
As  a  man,  let  biih  be  m^ek.  peaceful,  and  forgiving. 
Lei  every  man,  i^i  Ms  individual  character,  be  hu^ 
mane,  concniating.  patient  of  injury,  sfot^  to  aii^ 
ger.    It  is  the  law  of  ^hrfat    It  is  strongly  expresi- 
•ed,  Matth.  v.  39-41 .  /  say  unto  you,  that  ye  resist  n(fi 
ml;  hut  whosoever  shall  smite  thee  m  the  right  chedc, 
turn  to  him  the  other  also.    And  if  any  man  wiH 
sue  thee  at  the  law,  and  take  Hwa^  thy  coat,  let  him 
have  thy  cloak  also.     And  whosbevtr  shall  compel 
*liee  to  go  a  mile,  go  wUh  him  twrniL 

These  precepts  are  noi  to  be  UBfderetbod  literally. 
They  only  inculcate  pa^tience  and  forbearance  upon 
individuals;  but  if  they  must  be  ^tei^fly  constnied 
there  is  an  end  to  industi^  and  ^ial  order,    YbU 
must  leave  your  business,  and  go  with  the  ruffian 
without  resistance,  nbt  only  out  of  your  way,  whither 
he  would  urge,  but  even  twice  as  far.    You  mu^t 
not  take  out  a  defOiice  at  lavv  against  injustice:  you 
must  not  only  ^alfow  a  man  to  take  from  your  door, 
before  your  eyes,  a  part  of  your  property;  but  also' 
give  him  even  more  than  be  desired.    You  must  put 
an  end  to  the  r%hts  of  property,  and  pronounce  the 
Jaw  itself  unchristian.     You  must  tiot  only  l^ar 
with  personal  assault;  but  .also  encourage  it  by 


tM 


THK  LAWrUlRtSS  OP 


turning  the  othtr  cheek  to  him  thit  ffnitM^  .f^ou 
must  in  nowise,  by  no  means  whatever,  by  gentle  or 
violent  means,  by  persuasion,  or  by  the  kiw»  retiit 
any  evil  that  befalls  you. 

Who  then  is  so  blind  as  not  to  see  the  absurdity  of 
fuch  a  conbtructi(m  ?  Who  so  childish  as  to  use  this 
argument  against  the  rights  of  war  ?  We  must  adopt 
a  consistent  plan  of  interpretation ;  and  recollect  that 
the  Author  of  the  gospel,  while  he,  in  this  passage, 
urges  upon  individuals  a  forgiving  disposition,  lays 
down  in  another  passage,  tlie  duty  of  the  national 
representative^  acting  as  kis  minister,  to  exercise 
vengeance  on  the  aggressor.  He  is  a  revenger  to  txt- 
cute  wrath*  This  is  the  doctrine  of  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord.  It  is  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  comforter  of  our 
souls,  that  makes  the  declaration.  He,  who  sanctk 
ties  and  instructs  true  christians,  hereby  declares  that 
war  is  in  certain  cases  lawful, 

'■••■■■■  '  '      ■  ■       '      ■  ;ii/i 

I  might  multiply  quotations:  but  I  only  add  in 
this  connexion,  the   words  of  <  Solomon.    By  wise 

*  VMhiui  ii(  tfyn*'    The  word  im^iimc  is  dorived  fro-    -wtum,  ancl. 
that  i rum  <»  and  hxn.     It  signi^pu  nn  avrn^O*.     Pe,  ^\\n  ra\t  to 
itutividuals  in  the  preceding  chap.  Rom.  xil.  19,  2C  eta.;,  be- 

loved, avenge  not  yourselves,  but  rather  give  place  Unto  wrath: 
for  it  is  written,  Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will  repay,  iaith  the  Lord. 
Therei'ore,  if  thine  enemy  hanger,  feed  him  i  if  he  thirst,  give  hiiQ 
drink;'  107%  in  this  case,  of  the  national  sover(ign,An  bis  official 
eapacl'T,  <  *»e  is  t\\e  minister  of  God,  an  avenger  to  execute  wrath.^' 
If  th.  dlsiiia;  ilii^n  were  kept  in  mind,  there  would  be  no  room  for 
perverttiig  scripture,  constraining  it  to  speak  against  the  right  of 


DIFtlfSITl   WAK. 


11^ 


CMftnel  th&tt  thalimake  th^  war  ,♦  the  wovds  of  th« 
prophet,  relative  t<»  the  sons  of  Beubm  and  their  alliei^ 
Tk€if  erUi  lo  Oed  in  the  balile,  and  he  was  tnireai^fi 
of  Ihtmr^htft  fell  down  many  slain^  becmue  the  war 
nm  if  Ood^i  and  the  words  of  Hezekiah,  /  have 
counsel  and  itrefigih  for  war^ 


•Nt' 


'i  i.5rd.     Scripture  precepts  and  reproof,    God  hatlf 
CiMninanded  war  in  some  instances  to  be  waged ;  aiid 
hath  reproved,  in  other  eases*  those  who  refused  lo. 
carry  it  on.    It  is  i-tteiiy  impossible,  however,  tfaatu 
holy  God  should  command  that  which  is  in  its  nature 
unholy.    That  which  is  in  itself  indifferent,  he  may  in 
his  eovei-eignty    command    or    prohibit :    and    the 
changeable  circumstances  and  conditions,  m  whicli 
we  are  placed,  may  render  alterations  of  divine  law, 
predicated  upon  mutable  relations,  wise  and  becom- 
ing.   But  he  never  recommends  malevolence,  impe- 
nitence,  or   unbelief    True,  he  once  commanded 
Abraham  to  offer  his  own  son  Isaac  upon  the  altar; 
but  this  was  as  a  trial  of  feith ;  and  he  did  not  per- 
mit him  to  e:xecute  the  deed.    Jehovah  has,  more* 
over,  a  right  to  recall  at  pleasure  the  gift  of  life,  and 
to  appoint  the  executioner.     And  he  doth  so, .  when 
he  calls  a  nation  to  war,  and  to  kill  the  enemy.    TW 
mere  taking  away  of  human  life,  is  in  itself  lawfuli' 
for  the  equity  or  criminality  of  the  act,  depends 
upon  cu^curastances.    Homicide   is  innocent.  ..The 
execution  of  the  guilty  is  a  duty.    Murder  i»  # 


^jf^  Pro?,  x^iv.  6. 


i  isa.  xxxTJ.  5. 


t  l.CliFOii.  V.  99«  28^ 


118 


THE  LAWFULNESS   Of 


crime.  Those  tvho  kifl  In  a  just  war,  are  acfin^ 
iinder  divine  authority.  It  is  what  he  commands. 
Psalm  ciiix.  6.  I^et  the  high  praise  of  God  be  in  thetr 
mouth,  and  a  two-edged  sword  ih  their  hands  to  eite- 
mte  vengeanu  upon  the  heathen,  and  punishments  upon 
the  peoples  to  hind  their  kings  with  chains,  add  their 
ii6bles  with  fetters  of  iron, 

^  The  Lord  reproves  both  eowardicis  and  oppositimU 
equitable  warfare.    That  spirit  of  slavish  cupidity, 
which  degrades  men  or  nations,  and  disposes  them 
to  prefer  ignoble  peace  to  manly  warfare,  as  it  is 
base  and  pusillanimous,  is  also  contemned  by  the 
word  of  God,  whidi  always  recommends  every  thin^ 
that  is  truly  great,  magnanimous,  and  good.    Gen. 
xivi  49.     Issachar  is  a  strong  Ass^  couching  down  bt- 
iween  two  burdens:  and  he  saw  that  rest  was  good,  and 
ihe  land  that  it  was  pleasant  s  and  bowed  his  should 
io  bear,  and  became  a  servant  unto  tribute.     They 
^  have  grossly  misrepresented  Christianity,  who  have 
described  it  as  a  system  subservient  to  the  ambition 
of  the  few,  and  the  reduction  to  servitude,  of  the 
Many,    It  administers  rCproof  in  a  vehement  tone, 
to  all,  who,  wheti  duty  called,  refuse  to  co-operate  in 
the  maintenance  of  right,  by  war.  Judges  v.  19—23. 
ZSuiun  and  Naphtali,  were  a  people  that  jeoparded 
Mm  lives  unto  the  death,  in  the  high  places  of  the  field. 
The  kings  came  and  fought.    Curse  ye  Meroz,  (said 
ihe  angel  of  the  Lord,)  eurse  ye  bitterly  the  inhabi- 
tants thereof;    because  they  came  not  to  the  help  of 

the  Lord,  tn   the.  heJn  nf  Ihi,    T.r.^^  ^.\.^: «   ji _•, 


iiftu     tliiUiilSf,     ^ifiC 


iaigiuy^ 


SCFENSITE  WAB. 


119 


I  add,  in  the  ftmrih  place,  the  scriptures  a«- 
aur^  us,  that  prayers  art  offered  up  for  success  in 
mar,  and  that  the  Lord  who  answers  prayers,  yonch- 
s«(e»  to  promise  both  a  blessing  and  success,  'i 

I  speak  not,  however,  of  the  prayers,  which  Eras- 
tian  power  prescribes  for  the  ministers  kept  in  the 
pay  of  princes.  I  speak  not  of  petitions  mis- 
chievously granted  or  withheld,  in  order  to  gratify 
the  mere  party  politician.    I  speak  of  the  prayers 

of  the  intelligent  believer ;  of  the  single-hearted  chris- 
tian; of  him,  who,  uninfluenced  by  sordid  consider- 
ations, pours  out  the  desires  of  his  soul  to  God,  for 
a  righteous  cause,  and  for  success  to  the  means  em- 
ployed to  secure  its  triumph.    To  such  the  Lord 
hath  promised  the  victory,  in  a  legitimate  contest 
with  the  sword.     Lev.  xxvi,  7.   Ye  shall  chase  your 
enemies,  and  they  shall  fall  before  you  by  the  sword, 
2  Kings  iii.  18,  19.    He  nill  deliver  the  Moabites  also 
into  your  hand:  and  ye  shall  smile  every  fenced  city. 
Psalm  xciv.  1,  2.  O  Lord,  to  whom  vengeance  belong- 
eih-^show  thyself    Lift  up  thyself  thm  Judge  of  the 
earth,  render  a  reward  to  the  proud.    Verses  2a,  23, 
Shall  the  throne  of  iniquity  have  fellowship  with  thee, 
which  frameth  mischief  by  a  law  ?     The  Lord  our 
Ood  shall  cut  them  off    Psalm  xliv.  4,  5.  O  Lord, 
command  deliverances-through  thee  we  shall  push  down 
our  enemies. 


I  have  trespassed,  sufficiently,  upon  your  patience, 
n  arguing  a  case  Ciear  enougii,  wiihoitt  ine  aid  of 
special  pleading.    The  objections,  which  are  usually 


»^ 


THE  LAw'rnhm&a  QF 


4»- 


made  to  tfie  leg itinrjacy  of  war,  in  any  cause,  t 
have  already  antkipated,  so  far  as  they  appeared  tqt 
me  to  require  examination.  No  man  is  more  anx- 
ious than  I  am,  to  bear  that  ail  war  bath  ceased 
throughout  the  ends  of  the  earth.  I  ardently  pr^y 
for  the  time  when  men  shall  learn  ite  arts  no  more; 
Iwrti  1  cannot  adn  it  that  the  religion  of  the  Son  of 
God,  proposeshto  tie  up  the  bands  of  those  who  feel 
ks  power,  and  to  reduce  them  into  passive  subjec* 
tion  to  »him,  who  delights  in  robbery  and  bloodsheds 
I  plead  in  behalf  only,:  of 

kilh  Drfensive  Warfare,         . 

.'.''•■■.■•.■'■.•.  , .    ■ 

'  In  the  application  of  force  to  the  correction  of  in- 
jury, reason  ought  to  guide;  and  if  the  force  to  be 
applied,  is  obviously  inadequate  to  the  object,  it  is 
in  vain  to  make  the  application.  It  is  madness  to  at- 
tempt to  remove  mountains  by  human  agency ;  and 
it  is  criminal  to  risk  treasure  and  life,  by  engaging 
in  a  bloody  warfare  without  prospect  of  any  suc- 
cr€ss:  In  such  a  case*  although  cause  of  war  exists  it 
is  better  to  suffer  than  to  contend.  Upon  this  prin- 
eiple,  those  directions  which  are  given  in  scripture, 
and  which  some  have  mistaken  for  a  prohibition  of 
resistance  in  any  case,  are  to  be  understood.  Upott 
this  principle  the  martyrs  acted,  taking  joyfuUy  the 
spoiling  of  their  goods,  and  passively  submitting,  un- 
der a  righteous  providence,  to  an  injustice  which 
they  had  nb  power  to  control.  They  suffered  with- 
out resistance,  because  resistance  would  have  only 
augmented  the  measure  of  their  pains.    This  was 


OEtlENSITE  'WAR. 


121 


right.    It  18  what  was  required  of  them  by  their 
Ood. 

There  is-,  indeed,  an  exception,  in  extraordinary 
cased,  to  the  application  of  this  rule.  When  the 
Lord  expressly  enjoins  resistance,  should  it  be  onlf 
by  a  few  or  even  by  a  single  hand  against  a 
whole  nation,  man  must  of  right  obey;  because^ 
however  improbable  success  may  be ;  obedience  to 
heaven  is  the  first  duty.  He,  too,  who  gives  the 
commandment,  is  himself  able  to  make  obedience 
successful.  This  was  repeatedly  exemplified  in  the 
history  of  Joshua,  the  Judges,  and  the  Kings  of 
Israel.  The  walls  of  Jericho  fell  at  the  blast  of 
the  trumpet.*  Before  Gideon  and  a  company  of 
three  hundred  men,  the  hosls  of  Midian  were  put 
to  flight,t  and  Elijah  the  prophet  successfully 
resisted  the  armed  companies  of  the  king  of  Sama- 
ria^t 


These,  however,  were  extraordinary  events,  and 
do  not  constitute,  in  the  common  proceedings  of 
life,  a  rule  of  conduct  in  undertaking  wan  It  is 
in  those  cases,  in  which  the  issue  of  the  contest 
may  appear  doubtful,  that  prudence  selects  the  op- 
portunity, and  courage  is  displayed  in  turning  it  to 
the  best  advantage.  It  is  manifest,  notwithstanding, 
that  whatever  cause  of  war  exists,  it  ought  not  to 
be  waged  without  a  rational  propect  of  success. 


~^: 


•  Josh.  vi.  20. 


+  .TiiilovB  vii.  99- 


t  2Kiugsi,12. 
16 


122 


I  V 


THE  LAWTDLNESS  OF 


This  Is  the  command  of  my  iexi;  and  it  is  the 
direction  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  himself.  What 
king  going  to  make  mar  against  another  king,  sitleth 
nU  down  first,  and  consuHeth,  whether  he  be  able  with 
ten  thousand,  to  meet  him  that  cometh  against  him  with 
twenty  thousand?  or  else,  while  the  other  is  yet  a  great 
^^o.y  off,  he  smdeth  an  ambassage,  and  desireth  condi- 
tions of  peace,* 

Having  aheady  established  the  maxhn,  that  war 
is  in  some  cases  lawful,  and  having  now  shown  that 
however  great  and  just  may  be  the  cause  for  waging 
it,  no  nation  should  enter  upon  the  strife  with- 
out a  prospect  of  success,  I  proceed  to  explain  what 
is  meant  by 


'  Defensive  War. 

It  is  necessary  to  be  very  particular  in  affixing 
correct  ideas  to  this  expression.  Believing,  as  I  do, 
inost  sincerely,  that  no  other  kind  of  warfare  is  j«s- 
tiOable,  without  an  express  revelaiion  from  heaven: 
believing,  that  the  prayers  of  the  saints  ought  not  to 
be-  withheld  from  those  who  are  engaged  in  such  a 
contest,  and  ought  not  to  be  offered  in  support  of 
any  other:  knowing  too,  that  agreeable  to  this  rule, 
God  approves  of  exertions  and  accepts  of  prayers, 
I  feel  it  my  duty,  -while  addressing  myself  in  Jeho- 
vah's name,  to  the  Lord's  people,  to  define  the  term 
to  which  so  much  importance  is  attached.  This  is 
the  naore  necessary,  because,  while  the  words  are  on 

*  Luke  xiv.  31,32. 


y-^^ 


'ibF.; 


FENSIVE  WAR. 


123 


the  lips  of  every  6ne,  the  expression  itself  is  some- 
what equivocal ;  and  pains  have  been  taken,  in  the 
common  vehicles  of  current  intelligence— in  the  pri- 
vate  intercourse  of  social  life— in  the  halls  of  legist 
lation-^and  even  in  the  pulpits  of  the  churches,  to 
play  upon  the  terms,  to  increase  their  obscurity, 
and  to  give  to  them  a  meaning  as  erroneous  as  it  is 
injurious,  to  the  interests  of  this  empire. 

The  expi-ession,  defensive  war,  is  somewhat  equiva- 
eal,    I  explain  myself  by  a  reference  to  the  courts  of 
law.  When  I  apply  to  defence  the  term  righteousness, 
and  to  offence,  the  term  iniquity,  I  am  to  be  understood 
as  speaking  upon  moral  principles.    Oflensive  war  is 
unjust,  upon  exactly  the  same  grounds,  that  offensive 
or  vexatious  suits  at  law  are  immoral.    Suppose  one 
of  you,  my  hearers,  is  attacked  in  your  reputation, 
your  property,  or  your  person ;  and  perhaps  your  life 
itself  is  in  danger.    You  avail  yourself  of  the  law, 
and  prosecute  the  aggressor,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
threatened  injury,  or  recover  for  the  trespass.    In 
doing  this,  you  act  in  self-defence.    You  do  right. 
But  when  the  suit  is  commenced,  the  offender  be- 
comes instanUy,  in  law  phraseology,  the  defendant, 
and  you  are  the  •plaintiff  at  the  bar.    It  by  no  means 
follows,  that  he  who  assumes  the  name  of  defendant 
is  not  guilty.    In  the  case  stated,  he  is  ,in  fact  the 
aggressor.    What  would  you  thfen  say  of  a  judge, 
of  a  counsel,  of  a  jury,  who  would  play  upon  the' 
terms,  defensive  and  offensite,  and  upon'^that  use  of 
a  law  expression,  proclaim  you  in  the  wrong  ? 


124 


THE  LAWFULNESS  OF 


Tlie  truth  is,  tliat  in  applying  upon  moral  princi- 
pJes,  the  epithet  defensive,  you  must  have  recourse  to 
the  nature  of  the  cause  in  controversy ;  and  consi- 
der the  original  aggressor  as  the  oflenden  You  ar«, 
mforo  conscientia,  still  the  defendant,  although  he  is, 
inforo  kgis,  called  by  that  name. 

Suppose  a  nation,  resting  in  the  bosom  of  peace,  is 
suddenly  attacked  by  another;  and  one  of  its  cities  is 
taken,  fortified,  and  garrisoned  by  the  enemy.    The 
offended  nation  raises  an  army,  and  in  order  to  re- 
cover its  own  property,  besieges  the  fortifications  of 
the  enemyr    In  this  case,  the  enemy  defends  ih^  fort 
against  the  assailant.    Perhaps  he  makes  a  very  hfB*- 
roic  defence.    But  is  it  this  siege  that  gives  to  thfe  war 
Hs  character  of  defensive  and  offensive,  or  is  it  the 
original  injury— the  cause  of  the  contest?    Again, 
suppose  this  city  had  been  thus  taken  by  the  enemy, 
without  any  previous  declaration  of  war;  and  that 
the  peaceful  nation  could  not  raise  an  army  for  the 
purpose  of  retaking  its  own  territory,  wkhout  a  for- 
mal declaration  of  hostilities.    Such  an  instrument 
appears  before  the  world;  and  the  enemy  thereafter 
meets  it  with  a  counter  declaration,  saying  jou  have 
first  declared  war,  I  am  therefore  the  defendant; 
would  you  believe  him,  and  denominate  the  contest, 
upon  his  part  defensive  and  just?    Supposing  again! 
that  this  peaceful  nation,  unwilling  to  make  its  own 
city  the  scene  of  confusion,  of  carnage,  and  desola- 
ibn,  should,  instead  of  attempting  directly  to  rei^ 
^ver  it  from  the  enemy,  march  an  army  into  the  ent* 


DEPCNSITC  WAR* 


125 


my's  own  territory,  with  design  both  to  make  repri- 
sals, which  he  might  occupy  as  an.  equivalent,  and  to 
draw  off  the  forces  of  that  enemy  from  the.position 
which  he  occupied,  thereby  transferring  the  wto, 
with  all  its  concomitant  calamities,  into  the  country 
of  the  original  aggressor;  I  ask,  would  this  transfer 
alter  the  moral  character  of  the  contest,  and  afford 
to  the  enemy  a  plea,  that  he  is  the  righteous  de- 
fmdant?    These  questions  must,  by  every  man  of 
sense,  be  answered  in  the  negative.    It  follows,  of 
course,  that  a  play  upon  the  words  offensive  and  de- 
fensive, although  it  may  serve  to  confound  and  dis- 
tract the  ignorant,  is  unworthy  of  any  man  of  impu- 
tation, and  entirely  unbecoming  the  statesman  or  the 
christian.    It  also  follows*  that  the  question,  whether 
war  be  on  the  part  of  any  people,  defensive,  or  of- 
fensive, depends  entirely  upon  the  causes  of  its  com- 
mencement or  continuance. 

The  eharacter  of  the  war  does  not,  in  any  xase, 
depend  upon  the  date  6f  a  declaration,  ot  vpon  me 
J^ace  in  which  it  is  carried  on. 

1.  It  does  not  depend  upon  the  date  of  the  decla- 
ration of  war,  whether  it  be  offensive  or  defensive. 

If  lawful  cause  of  war  exist,  it  is  right  to  wage 
It;  and  if  it  be  right  to  wage  it,  surely  it  cannot  be 
wrong  to  proclaim  the  intention,  and  explain  to  the 
civilized  world  the  reasons  for  having  recourse  to 
atms.    Declarations  do  not,  according  to  the  Jaw  of 


..Mi»»t 


126 


THJC   LAWFULNESS  OF 


nations,  make  the  war,  but  explain  its  causes.*  If 
one  nation  should  injure  another,  or  march  an  army 
in  ordeuto  subjugatjB  an  independent  people,  must 
that  nation,  so  injured,  invaded,  and  threatened,  be 
considered  as  the  offender,  because  the  first  in  dt- 
•laring  war  ?  No.  It  of  course  follows,  that  the  date 
of  the  declaration  of  war,  does  nothing  towards  deter- 
mining its  moral  character  as  offensive  or  defensive. 

2.  It  does  not  depend  upon  the  place  of  camhat, 
whether  the  war  be,  in  fact,  defensive. 

The  idea  which  I  am  now  to  oppose,  is  of  home 
origin.  The  writers  on  moral  science,  and  the  law 
of  nations,  never  thought  it  a  subject  worthy  of  tdis- 
cussion,  whether  it  was  lawful  to  carry  the  war  into 
an  enemy's  territory.  Neutral  territo^;y  has  indeed 
been  held  sacred  by  the  sentence  of  public  law;  but 
it  is  too  childish  to  set  up  a  claim  in  favour  of  the 
aggressor  in  war,  for  the  exemption  of  his  own  pro- 
vinces from  its  calamities.  The  nation  if^ne,  how- 
ever numerous  its  members,  and  the  offender  may  be 

•  "  ITif  beUumMgitimumsitindictionem  belli  non  videri  nuessa- 
riam.''^    C.  V.  )3ynkershock. 

"  The  unirersal  law  of  nations  acknowledges  "o  general  obliga- 
tion of  making  a  deolaration  of  war  to  the  enemj,  previous  to  a 
commencement  of  hoetilities/'  Martens,  Book  VIII.  0.-2.  gee.  4, 

«  As  to  the  time  of  commencing  war,  it  seems  to  be  no  way  con- 
trary to  natural,law,  to  say  it  is aiani^  timeihe  wjured partjf  pUa^ses, 
after  having  received  an  injury.  The  meaning  of  a  declaration  of 
war  seems  to  be,  to  tall  upon  theinjuringparty  to  prevent  it  ^  *^ 
paration—Iikewise  to  manifest  to  all  other  stated,  the  justice  of  the 
cwwe."    Witherspoon's  Mvral  PhUosophs,  Lee.  XiU.  See.  2. 


riEFENSIve  WAR.  t^j 

stricken  in  tlie  most  vulnerable  part,  whether  tipoii 
his  coasts,  in  his  colonies,  or  in  his  capital.    If  th« 
cause  of  wftr  is  sustained.  Great  Britain  never  ca» 
be  atcused  of  injustice  for  the  invasion  oi  Spain  irtid 
France,  nor  her  allies  on  the  continent,  for  marching 
to  Paris,    Thfe  plea  is  as  absurd  as  it  is  novel,  that 
unoffending  provinces  ought  not  to  be  invaded;  the 
sailor,  the  soldier,  the  merchant,  and  the  tenant,  are 
personally  considered  equally  inoffensive ;  and  for 
the  same  reason,  none  should  be  troubled  in  the  con- 
test :  the  war  may  be  waged,  but  upon  no  person 
whatever,  except  the  sovereign.    Who  is  so  igno- 
rant as  not  to  know  that  the  sovereign  is  guarded, 
and  unassailable  but  through  his  forces,   and  hit 
country?    Who  so  blind  as  not  to  see  that  War  is' 
waged  against  the  nation  as  a  body  politic,  and  of 
course,  so  far  as  the  end  of  war  can  be  promoted 
thereby,  against  ievery  member  of  thai  body.    It& 
not  the  member  attacked,  but  the  nature  of  tfiecoiW 
test;  it  is  not  the  place  of  the  battle,  but  tiie  cause 
in  controversy,  that  determines  the  moral  chatticter 
of  an  existing  War. 

My  definition  of  defensive  war  is.  The  applicaiim 
of  force  hy  one  commonwealth  to  another,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  preventing  or  redressing  actual  injuries  inflict- 
ed or  about  to  he  inflicted. 

As  to  the  equity  of  the  war,  little  depends  upon  the 
magnitude  of  the  injury.  This  consideration  will  of 
course  determine  its  expediency.  If  the  evil  inflict- 
ed be  gfjial],  there  is  less  excuse,  upon  the  part  of 


ifir 


R%i 


THE  lAWTU^WKSr  OF 


tlji»  aggressor,  for  persisting  in  it  at  the  ridk  6f  d# 
appeal  to  arms.  He  is  not  entitled  to  impunity,  oii 
acQDunt  of  its  being  unimportant,  provided  it  be  a 
violation  of  right.  It  is  for  the  offended  party  to 
judge  of  the  proper  measure  of  his  own  patience 
under  suffering,  and  of  the  time  and  place,  in  which 
it  is  expedient  for  him  to  seek  redress.  AlthOuglt 
the  injury  be  only  about  to  be  inflicted,  he  may  just- 
k  ly  apply  force  to  prevent  it :  a  declaration  of  wat 
previous  to  actual  hostility,  entitles  the  other  to 
commence  hostilites ;  and  actions,  which  amount  to 
a  declaration,  give  the  same  right. 


<H' 


In  such  an  important  inquiry  as  this,  I  wish  yotlr, 
ffiy  bipethren,  to  judge  conscientiously  for  yourselv,t# 
I'fihall  lay  before  you,  therefore,  in  eonfirmatiotl  of 
iiiy  definition,  the  sentiment?  of  tipproved  writers  oh' 
public  law,  and  moral  |)hilosophy ;  and  I  sh^ll  th^li 
direct  you  Co  the  bible,  in  order  to  piit  the  questi!bn 


at  rest. 


M 


1.    The  Authority/  of  Writers  on  Public  Law. 


These  lyriters  have  with  one  voice  declared  them- 
selves in  favour  of  the  principles  of  defensive  war 
which  I  have  laid  down.  They  uniformly  represent 
the  lawful  object  of  war  ?is  threefold;  precaution 
against  ii\jury — resistance  to  its  progress— and  re- 
dress for  what  has  already  been  inflicted.  Wh^n  a 
nation  is  threatened  with  evil,  war  is  lawfully  waged 
in  order  to  prevent  it — this  is  precaution.    When  the 


DEPXNSIVl  WAR. 


^ 


hnded  by  the  aword— this  h  resistance:  and  after  j^ 
people  have  sujQTered  injustice,  they  aiay  decia  ^  war 
to  i^cover  an  equivalent  to  their  loss— thia  ia  redress  : 
and  all  these  are  considered  as  defensive  rvarl  The 
rights,  for  the  vindication  of  which  it  is  proper  to 
contend  with  the  sword,  are  capable  of  being  reduced 
under  three  heads — Libekty-^Phoferty — awd  Na- 
TiONAi.  Honour.  War  in  vindication  of  any  of  these 
rights,  is  legitimate  according  to  the  maxims  of  pub^ 
lie  law.    I  give  you  my  authorities* 

"  There  are  causes  for  which  we  undertake  war  by' 
the  conduct  of  nature,  as  in  the  cause  of  defence^ 
i^ecause  the  law  of  nature  is  violated,  war  is  under- 
taken. There  is  a  threefold  defence,  necessary^ 
fr^ifiiable,  and  honest;  yet  we  shall  deem  them  all 
necessary.  This  defence  is  necessary,  against  whom 
an  jirmed  enepy  comes— I  call  that  a  profitable  de- 
fenee>  when  we  move  war,  fearing  lest  we  ourselves 
should  be  warred  upon— Honest  defence  is  underta- 
ken for  othpr  men's  sakes ;  to  free  him  to  whom  in^ 
jury  is  done,  out  of  the  hand  of  the  injurious," 
Al.  Gentilis,  J)e  jure  belli  et  pads. 


'!0 


"War  is  offensive  on  the  part  of  the  sovereiga 
who  commits  the  first  act  of  violence.  It  is  defen- 
sive upon  the  part  of  him  who  receives  the  first  act 
of  violence.  Nothing  short  of  the  violation  of  a 
perfect  right,  either  committed,  committing,  or  with 
whieh  a  nation  is  threatened  in  future,  can  justify  the 
undertaking  of  a  war :  on  the  other  hand,  every  such 
violation,  when  Droved,  and  whnn  amirahlA  nuukth 

17 


•*^  ^^ 


THIS  IiAWIULRESS  OF 


have  been  tried  in  Tain,  or  when  it  k  e? ident  that  it 
wotild  \m  useless  to  try  such  means,  justifies  the  in- 
jured party  in  resorUtig  to  arms"    Martews,  Book 
VIIL  a  2.  Sec,  2,  3. 


(t 


The  objects  of  just  war,  are  precaution,  dtfence, 
or  reparation.  In  a  larger  sense,  £\£HY  just  war  is 
A  defensive  war,  inasmuch  as  every  just  war  sup- 
poses an  injury  perpetrated,  attempted,  or  feared,'* 
Paley's  Moral  Phil,  C,  12. 

"  Tlie  causes  of  commencing  war,  are  the  viola- 
tion OF  ANY  PERFEcv  RiGHi' — 38  taking  away  the 
property  rolihe  other  state,  or  ihe  lives  of  its  subjects, 
or  restraining  them  in  their  industry^  or  hinderifig 
them  in  the  use  of  things  common.  The  preservation 
of  our  property  implies,  that  if  others  take  such 
measures  as  are  not  to  be  accounted  for,  but  upon 
the  supposition  of  an  intention  of  wronging  me,  it  is 
oftien  easier  and  safer  to  prevent  cmd  disarm  the  rob- 
ber, than  to  suffer  him  to  commit  th#  violence.** 
Witherspoon's  Mor,  Phil,  Lee,  13. 

I  might  easily  multiply  testimonies,  should  it  be 
deemed  necessary ;  but  I  forbear.  There  is  not  one 
writer  upon  public  law,  who  would  venture  his  re- 
putation before  the  world,  by  denying  the  principles 
©f  legitimate  war,  which  I  have  stated.  And  it  worst 
of  all  becomes  the  apologists  of  that  nation,  with 
which  this  republic  is  now  at  war,  (a  nation  which  is 
itself  scarcely  ever  at  peace  with  its  neighbours,)  to 
refuse  their  assent  to  the  doctrine  here  laid  down. 


I)£F£I^SIVE   WAR, 


nF 


»> 


if  it  be  criminal  to  defend  by  Ihe  sword,  the  right* 
which  have  been  mentioned,  no  excuse  whatever  re- 
mains for  the  mistress  of  the  ocean,  ao  her  votari©« 
denominate  the  empire  of  Great  Britain.  ,  i 

Addressing  myself  to  christians,  however,  in  the 
name  of  the  Author  of  religion,  I  draw,  from  the 
rule  and  the  instruclion*  of  my  embassy,  the  most 
conclusive  arguments. 

2.  The  Testimmy  of  the  Bible. 

We  refer  you  only  to  three  historical  facts.  They 
have  the  sanction  of  his  authority  who  is  alone  Lord  of 
the  conscience.  They  serve  to  show  that  war  is  law- 
ful when  waged  in  defence  of  lihtrty,  whether  civil 
or  religious—in  defence  of  property-^or  in  defence 
of  national  honour  and  independence.* 

*  In  the  history  of  the  aufferioga  of  the  Rev.  Alexander  Shields, 
written  by  lil|i8eir,  an  account  is  given  of  his  examination  before 
the  privy  council,  and  the  justiciary  of  Scotland,  in  the  reign  of 
Jams  II.  where  he  argued  the  justness  of  defensive  war.  The 
same  doctrine  was  afterwards  vindicated  in  his  dispute  with  the 
UisHOPs,  to  whom  he  was  referred. 

He  maintained  his  principles  with  great  force  and  copiousness  of 
argument.  1.  From  the  law  of  nature.  2.  Prom  the  practice  of 
nations.  3.  From  the  scriptures.  He  under  the  third  head,  par- 
ticularly insists  upon  the  love  of  Uhcrty,  which  Christianity  inspires 
and  cuUivales,  as  exemplified,  1.  In  the  mars  of  defence  against  ty- 
ranny, which  the  saints  waged;  and,  2.  Which  revelation  sanctions. 

I.  He  gives  eight  historical  instances  of  the  practice  of  the  hordes 
people  in  defensive  mar :  viz.  The  Maccabees— The  Bohemians— 
The  Waldenses— The  German  Protestants— The  Hollanders^ 
The  French  Huguenots — The  Polei — And  the  Scottla**  Rftfn-«*- 


THI  IkWVVtflKM^W 


^^/ The  Patriarch  Abraham  waged  war  for  the  v^ 
covery  of  connexions  taken  captive,  and  of  property 
illegally  i^ized.  This  is  the  first  instance  of  war- 
fere  recorded  in  the  scriptures.  The  narrative  is 
j^ven  by  the  prophet  Moses,  Gen.  xiv.  That  it  ig 
Hfi  ihstance  of  lawful  war>  is  evident,  not  only  from 
iSbe  e<]ftiity  of  the  cause,  but  also  from  the  character 
of  the  friend  of  God,  Abrahpm,  the  father  of  the 
fsitfaful ;  from  the  success  given  to  bis  enterprise  as 
a  blessing  from  the  Lord  ;  and  from  the  benediction 
;d  upon  him  by  Melchizedek,  who  received,  as 
priest  of  the  Most  High  God,  tithes  of  all  that 
■he  had  when  he  returned  home  in  triumph.  Verses 
10,  20k  And  Melchizedek  Mng  of  Salem  brwghl  fo$rtk 
bread  and  wine,  and  he  was  the  priest  of  the  Most 
■  High  Qod,    And  he  blessed  him,  and  ^aid;  blessed 


cfn.    He  prores  beyopd  a  doiibt,  that  wherever  true  religioii  pre* 
vailed,  there  was  a  spirit  of  resistance  to  despotic  power. 

II.  From  scripture  he  presents  Bve  conclusive  ai^uments.  1. 
Approved  Example^i  of  which  he  adihiees  >f(2cefi  fix)iii  Abraham  to 
^^sther  aiid  M0r<fe<^\  21.  Scripture  rqwoofa  for  paiwire  obedience 
and  noo-r^iftame,  of  which  |ie  adduces  titw,  Jacob's  prophecy,  and 
the  song  of  Deborah.  3.  Scripture  promises  to  valour  in  lawful 
war,  of  which  he  enforces  fourteen  instances  taken  from  the  Old 
tud  New  Testament.  4.  Scriptan  precepts  for  resisting  iqjury  with 
the  sword.  Of  these  he  produces  seven  examples.  5.  bcriptpre 
prayers  for  war  awl  for  victory,  of  which  he  gives  five  conclusive 
instances. 

Thus  did  he  vindicate  the  lawfulness  of  resistance,  to  the  arbi- 
trary and  Erastian  power,  exercised  by  the  throne  of  Britain  over 
its  own  subjects;  thus  did  Mr.  Shields  defend  the  practice  of  tlMse 
fuffenng  christians,  who  were  attached  to  the  reformation  interest 
In  Scotland,  and  who,  on  account  of  their  love  of  liberty  jind 
l^'hteousssss^  hud  the  nnnif*  of  l^nio 
f4v<;)««te«  of  arbitrary  power  ia  chnrcfi  and  to 'state. 


the  1^ 
ropferty 
of  war- 
alive  is 
bat  it  is 
)y  from 
laraeter 

of  the 

t 

prise  as 
EKiiction 
iTed,  as 
all  that 

Verses 
hi  Joirih 
he  Most 

blessed 

llgion  pre* 

nents.  1. 
brdham  to 
obedieoce 
h<3cy,  f  nd 
in  lawrul 
ithe  Old 
(jury  with 
bcriptiire 
sonclui^Te 

'  the  arbi- 
itain  over 
Bof  those 
ft  interest 
•erty  jind 

SiJ,    t'J    iHy 

f  .  ;* 


The^i%ift^f  tWb  ww^  for 3uriiilii1«kli^  |(^J^ 
blessed  Abrain,  was  as  ibilows^  Five  ein/etkrai^ 
princes,  mihe  neighbourhood  til^hfd&m,  imkmjm;  lii 
the  nepheiif  of^y^miB  ilred^vhad  b<^il  re<iu£«4  wil- 
der iribu^ibimdofimmeffking^  Ml(tm,n&d  aerijtA 
him  twelt&^eats«  >  ^ihetkirUinik  year  they  mM- 
led.  Afld  io  the  fourteenth  year  cattne43bedorlaoiiitr, 
with  three  otbfer  iH^hiebi«lshi»aUjes»  tocrii&hthe^f^ 
rebeliioh;  ^he  four  ^ied  meiiarchsJaufceededf^ 
conqftiei^  their  filrc^vdiilbdeFated  etieoiies.   Wk^ 

tiye;^nd'iLi)*«ii«s'rta»^ 

ers;  '  Wbeii^«ilbraiiiih0a(nd4^thii^  het  armed iiisOi^e 
J""^**^  and  eighteen  servants,  and  assisted  by  three 

acted  as  ilia  :?iu^Ilar^efl^Jhe  |?urgued  the  victorious 
Itiei^in&t^tejf^lfehfc^^^  -[fel,^ 

dl^hiceiiii^  had  tcrgdf^lfQtn  ihi^  pkdm  <f  ifyrekm^ 
tmi  ^y^^;  ^^^m^^^  ^ttd*  Perel4    ^9 

i>ait,  but  he  found  it^  necessary  to  caii!y  ^n  the  pur- 
unit,  fat  beyond  the  btHHidk  of  J^Mfilmrto  th«uiid^. 

'"  boUltoodof  l)<feb«liPliL'''''.  ^n  -^  -^  '-^^-^  *.rt  ^uj  :--,-,-:^.-, 

Here  then*  is  n  war  i»n^d  on,  ibe jh^  t^ 
Kmitsof  their  o'waterritwy,  l^yAbi^am  imd  his  al- 
lies; tod  fhut  for  the  recovery  «f  their  frieiidtiii^o 

'f^re  tifcen  prisdhefd,  and  in  ttrdiBr  ^  rta^Htj^^Mm 
the  etsemy  the  i^ilt  ef  IWori  ind  tbe^  other  cities 


J3i 


THIfe  fcAWTOIiKEaiS^F 


of  Ifae  plt^f]^    it  was  a  i^^mtiiife  nmi^,  waged  iot  rth 
4rm  ©f  injuFy  received— wagfed  in  IwhaJf  of  liberty, 
and  for  personal  property  captured  by  aiHHher  power, 
^rahani^s  conscience  was  too  ei^ightened»  and  the 
spirit  of  hk  troops  too  courageous^  to  intent  pite* 
tended  scruples  about  geogiieipfaical  boundaries ;  tbeir 
sense  of  personaMiberty  was  too  keen  and  bonour- 
aibte,  to  Ibink  of  expense  and  d^eri^ when  theif 
fdetids  and  their  countiyaneu  were  ^«n  away  by 
fofce  frt>nD  tb<&ir  employments  ^nd  their  homes.    It 
]^«aM«^d  for  a  peopfe  of  a  different  fjwrit  from  that 
wblib  influenced  Me /a<fer^fAe/(w^/j  to  call  m 
^t^lion/ the  legitimacy  01^  tnakiitg  War*  beyond  the 
lifnjtsof  their  own  country,  for  the  purpose  of  reco- 
vering property  ui^itetly  captui«ed,  and  fdr  releasing 
flieii'^llow-citizeniiheldiiibondagek  ; '^ 

1L  Gideon,  by  the  command  of  hisGod.WA^erf  War 
against  Jlft<;tVi»,  in  order  to  recover  the  liberties  of 
Israel,  as  well  as  tteeiijoyraentdf  the  fruits  of  their  in- 
dustry. The  history  is  found  ii^  Judges?,  €{iip£yi.and 
viii.    Jit  appears  that  the  JftV^am/e*  and  the  AmaUh- 
ffc«iook  possession  of  tfa4  fields  of  Palestine,  and 
banished  ffom  the  farms  which  they  bar)  formerly 
co4Uvatedvthe  lenante  irf  the  soiL    Those  who  were 
per^tted  to  remain  in  their  po^iassions,  bad  to  bide 
thfenr  sheaves  whenreaped>  and  to  thresh  Iheir  corn 
In  seCi^tiT  lest  they  should  become  a  prey.    Such  an 
imcerWintenure  of  property  was  a  gr^at  v^xatiog 
Ftoquent  spoliations  ocnstituted  an  injury  which  re- 
5^red  ail  appeal  to  arms  for  resistance  and  redress- 
Tlie  Lorn  lfo4  diijected  Iht^,  htWfttUlieg  be  forthwitb 


V 


^EFENSlVi;  WAII. 


135 


'^*i  ' 


commeiiced.  Gideon  ab^yed;  a«d  lie  delif:^^  Mb 
country.  The  war  was  undertalKcn,  principally,,  in 
defence  oi property,  for  obtainkig  and  ei^oying  which 
/ti«%  is  essentially  necessary.  The  Israelites,.  ro)u»- 
ed  to  action  by  the  difiine  Wessipg,  and  led  on  to 
battle  by  the  sm  af  /oa^A,  pursued  Ib^  enemy  be- 
yond the  Jordan^  to  the  cilieSiat  the  head  of  ^nHm. 
Regarding  the  cause  in  yifkkh  <^ey  were  engaged, 
they  thought  not  of  liroiting  their  defence  by  m 
imaginary  line,  until  the  end  for  whi^h  they  toojt 
up  arms  was  accomplished.  They  had  lo  find  ,§pd 
fight  an  enemy;  and  they  had  no  objection  to  npei 
him  on  liis  own  territory.  Gideon  went  upoif^^ihe 
east  of  Nobah,  learning  that  Zcba  fm^Zdlmmm 
were  in  Karkor,  He  put  them  to  flighty  pufsbed 
the  victor}^;  overtook  the  two  kings;  madfe  them 
prisoners,  and  returned  in  triumph  to  his  own  coun- 


3.  The  last  instance  to  which  I  shall  refer  you,  is 
selected  from  the  history  of  the  son  of  Jessi. 

The  narrative  is  found  in  1  Chron.  xix.  and  in 
2  Sam.  X.  The  case  is  as  follows:  Nahash,  king 
of  the  Anvnonites,  had  shown  friendship  to  Da- 
vid before  he  mounted  the  throne  of  Israel;  and  at 
his  death,  David  sent  ambassadors  to  pay  his  respects 
to  Hamn  his  son  and  successor.  The  young  king, 
inftnenced  by  the  evil  advice  of  his  com  tiers,  insulted 
these  ambassadors,  by  shaving  off  their  beards,  and 
^sfiguring  their  garments.  Davidheard  of  tfaia.«iid 
ihdignant  at  the  insult,  prohibited  the  return  of  bis 


m 


*:5I6  tAWrtTLSIKSSk  OF 


avyants.  to  the  fapitiJ,  until  the  reproach  should  be 
wiped  away, ,  Tarrjf  ai  Jericho  until  your  beards  be 
grofun.  1;he  cbildi^ii  of  Ammon  understood  the 
ch^rac^r  of  the  king  of  Israel  too  well,  to  imagine, 
that  be  would  put  up  with  the  indignity  thus  showed 
to  his  crown,  in  the  persons  of  his  public  servants : 
and  they  accordingly  made  immediate  preparation  to 
nMv^t  the  necessary  consequences.  They  saw  tkat 
thf^made  themsehe^  odious  to  David;  and  they  call^il 
Upjpn  4heir  numerous  allies  to  come  to  their  as- 
sis^^e.  An  army  is  collected  to  defend  the  land  of 
Mqab;  and  they. encamp  before  the  gates  of  their 
own  principal  frontier  city,  Medeha,  In  the  mean 
time  David  was  neither  idle  nor  terrified.  He  or- 
dered Jba^,  at  the  bead  of  his  army,  to  march  to  the 
contest.  The  prder  was  obeyed.  The  enemy  was 
attacked  in  bis  own  country;  and,  before  the  gates 
of  Medeba,  the  Syrians  and  Ammonites,  although 
acting  upon  the  defensive,  were  routed  by  the  in- 
vading armies  of  Israel.  The  Syrians  rallied,  being 
reinforced  from  beyond  the  Euphrates.  After  retiring 
to  Helam,  Hadareser,  their  king,  waited  there,  until 
Bayid  with  the  Israelitisb  militia  came  and  gave  him 
battle.  This  second  victory  put  an  end  to  the  «^- 
rian  war.  Joab  continued  his  success  against  the 
Ammonites,  until  having  taken  their  capital,  Raikdliy 
by  storm,  they  also  yielded  to  the  conqueror. 


This  narrative  explains  the  doctrine  of  legitij^<|ie 
warfare,  and  confirms,  completely,  wlmt  i  ba^f  al-. 
ready  said,  in  defining  defensive  war,    Actyal  war 


4lf*a      Awa4 


»IM*» 


:visi° 


DECENStViE  WAit; 


137 


Ij^eftti^lbeybndt&elineofhkdwhtiii^  ft 
'^^f  1^^^^^!^*'*  iiioreov6i>  agdinst  botb  the  Am» 
tB<»]it6d  dnd  ^he  Sj^ridns,  in  their  bwri  coii'ntry,  uittO 
■^^^J  ^?^  *<^^3'*y;^enioii8hed,  and  the  Syrikiiis 
fiipfed  to  submit  to  ^hlsraeiitish  ^garrison  established 

■ ,    -     "     '    ^  •-■  .'"^  ■    '  ,■[•    -      '.  .■  ' 

^  K 1^  ft6t  tlife 'fo>e  ol  ded'arfng  wai*,  oi^  6f  making 
tfie  attacitiidr  is  it  tli4  )9^^^  thte  warirca^^ 

riefd  oViV  that  d^^ermikies  its  charactei'.    In  etery  ifi^ 
st^iice,  exeejrt  In  giving  tti^/r5«  ^c?i«f,the  Amh«m- 
itfes  in  this  wiar  a^jt^d  upoiti  the  d^dnSive.     They 
ifever  1^  their  own  ci)^ntry.    They  defended  their 
owft  citfesarrd  their  bwq  firesides:  but  lerhei  came 
u|>6n  them,  fought  them,  and  subdued  them.    StUli 
however,  tbis  wa^,  upbn  thie  patt  6f  Amnion,  aii^ 
fimi^t  wary  and  on  the  part  of  David,  a  defensivhwat. 
The  bonour  of  bis  crown  was  affected  by  the  indigo 
niiy  done  to  hi^  ambassadors ;  and  rather  than  he 
constrained  to  imke  suitable  atonement,  the  Am- 
monites c^led  their  allies  t6  their  aid,  and  ^rejiared 
for  resistance.    The  king  of  Israel  Was  a  maii  of 
sense,  a  man  of  spirit,  aiid  a  iwari  of  piety.    He  wak 
too  much  of  a  soldier,  a  moralist,  and  a  statesman,  t&; 
say  or  to  think,  after  he  had  Jirst  received  the^  ii^u- 
ry,  that  a  war  in  defence  of  the  honour  and  indepen^ 
dency  of  his  country,  ought  not  to  cpmihence  upon 
his  part  until  the  enemy  attacked  him  in  his  own  do- 
minions.   He  saved  bis  own  kin^6m,  aiid  made  ilie 
provinces  of  the  offender  the  theatre  of  the.  contest. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  be  prayed 
for  bis  arnries,  while  besieging  the  cities  eftlie  Am- 
♦  18 


136 


THE  LAWFULNESS  OF 


Biooites^  3S  smcerely,  as  acceptably  to  God,  as  if 
petitions  were  offered  for  Israel  besieged  by  an  en^ ! 
my  at  the  gates  of  Jerusalem.  It  is  the  cmfsi^  of 
war  that  determines  its  morality ;  and  David  didvi>#t 
enter  upon  the  bloody  strife  without  a  cause.  H0 
lived  in  a  martial  age.  However  n^rcb  disposed  to 
peace  himself,  the  welfare  ,/  people  required  the 
preservation  of  tbeiij  iB<i%f  ,.<3eBce.  Of  this  Ih^re 
^fi»  little  probability  unless  they  were  prepai'ed  for 
viadicating  it  by  the  sword.  Had  be  suffered  the  in- 
sult to  escape  with  impunity,  he  would  have  invited 
another  and  another,  until  <the  spirit  of  the  pec^le 
should  h$  brc^en  down,  apd  Us  ow»  piisillanlmUy  be^* 
conw&  a  byword.  .He  chose  the  better  pa|^t.  He 
waged  war  to  pwmsh  ike  insolence  of  Han«nr  arid  to 
vindicate  the  honour  emd  pteservetfk  independence  of 
his  country.  He  was  approved  of  God.  He  sup- 
ceeded. 


This,  then,  was  lawful  cause  of  w^r.  Bo  you 
doubt  it?  For  wbat  then  did  David  order  J6db  io 
Ihe  battle?  Because  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  givp 
hattle  to  him.  Very  well ^  This,  I  confess,  is  a  good 
peaeoHi  You  admit  this.  You  acknowledge,  then, 
that  if  my  enemy  is  preparing  to  give  me  battle,  I 
may,  without  Waiting  for  invasion,  become  myself 
the  invader y  and  carry  the  War^  for  precaution,  into 
his  territory.  You  admit  this.  I  ask  no  more. 
This  is  enough.  Inmsion  for  precaution  is  dtfen- 
mve  war.  Ytm  fortify  my  argument.  But  you  do 
not  do  jtistice  to  the  king  of  Israel.  The  Ammon- 
ites knew  his  character  beiiei*  than  you  do.     Why 


&  '^ 


W^ff^' 


DKrBIVSItle    WAR. 


^^m 


4iid  they  call  upoii  the  Syrians  to  lietp  them  !  Why 
did  they  encamp  befole  Medeba  ?  They  knew  thej^ 
were  guilty.  They  knew  they  deserved  pimishment. 
They  khewBaVid  had  magnanimity.  They  ki^iir 
him  better  than  you  appear  to  do.  They  e3cpecte<J 
veftgeahee  from  the  minister  of  God.  They  pre- 
pared for  resistance.  They  saw  that  they  had  made 
themselves  odiom-^hat  they  stank  before  David,  And 
tve  all  know,  thaft  they  receiy^d  adequate  pmiA- 
ment'for  their  offeneee.       '  ^  ^^  ^ 


f  hare  done.  I  have  laid  down  the  doctrine  irf 
legitimate  warfare,  ft'om  the  writers  on  pubKe  liwi* 
and  fromthe  TfOrdof  God.    I  have  onlyto  add, 

,    *  M.  de  Vdtel  admits  the  legitimacy  of  offensive  war.  .  JBut^lit 
his  defiiiitiou  of  it,  he  means  no  more  than  we,  and  otF^er  m  liten, 
in  conformity  to  chrisHan  Vhraaeology,.  iac.^  le  under  the  term  de- 
fefuive.    He  differs  from  as   oa  ttii»  wubject  only  Sn  word^.    *r^ 
sentiment  is  the  same.    «« We  may  set  down  this  triple  m6  as  the 
distinguishing  <r,haraet«ristic  qf  a  lawful  war,    1.    To  fecover.what 
belongs,  or  isjlue  to  us.    2.  To  provide  for  our  fqture  safety,, by 
punishing  the  aggressor^   )r  offender.    3.  *Vo  defend  ourselves  from 
an  injury,  by  repelling  ^n  unjust  violence.    The  twofird  ard  flie  ob- 
jects of  aa  offensive,  the  third,  that  of  a  d^msive  war.    OAmbiic4, 
when  he  watgoiog  to  attack  4he  Q^lb,  concisely  represented  to 
his  Mdiers  all  the  causes  wliich  cau;  justify  a  war:  orniaqm  de- 
Jffndi,  repetique,  et  uicisci,/as  est,"    B.  IJL  C.  3. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  accuracy  of  this  distinguished  wri- 
tef,  it  appears  to  me  improper  to  call  that  an  offensive  war,  wMch 
is,  according  to  the  definition,  2.  To  ffromdefor  our  safety  bypmi^- 
wgtite  (ffender^  Gertaialy  it  ought  not  be  called  offeosivetopaaith 
the  offi^der.  According,  to  the  writer  himself,  however,  this  is 
lawful  war.    The  cause  of  the  contest  determines  Us  imrality:  and 

thifl  id  the  nrSnninIp  tvhi(>ii  T  ariah  in  Aa*al>i:<,U  ' '    ' 


'.!.' 


140 


THE  LAWFULNESS  OV 


m 


'■■  III.  When  a  nation  is  engaged  in  a  lani^ui  war^  U 
it  Me  duiy  if  aU  totfford  it  their  support, 

u   h"     ■  ■        ■     ,  , 

This  part  of  my  discourse  does  not  require  dhicIi 
jj^roof  or  illustration.  Its  truth  wili  be  genemlly  ad^ 
mitted.  The  usual  way  of  opposing  belligerent 
measures,  is  by  calling  in  question  the  necessity^  or 
expediency^  »of  having  recourse  to  them ;  and  this 
aptriogy  for  opposition  seems  to  acknowledge,  that  if 
war  is  necessary  and  equitable,  it  ought  to  be  waged 
with  the  undivided  force  of  the  empire.  Under  ab* 
solute  governments  there  is  no  examination  of  the 
character  of  any  war  iiecessary  upon  the  part  t>f  the 
subject:  he  must  bhey;  he  is /oreei^  to  give  support 
to  the  contest  in  which  his  king  is  embarked.  It  h 
dnly  in  states,  which  are  in  some  degi'ed  fr6e,  that 
there  is  need  or  use  for  argument ;  because  in  theiil 
only  is  the  reason  of  the  subject  called  to  exercise. 
It  is  in  a  free  counti'y,  too,  that  the  citizens  should 
best  understand  the  moral  character  of  war,  and 
witen  lawful,  bestow  upon  it  their  most  deckled  sup«i 
port  Such  a  war  is  their  own.  However  diversi" 
tied  the  pursuits;  the  interests^  and  the  opinions  of 
the  men  Who  constitute  a  free  and  well-regulated 
commonwealtl>,  there  is  no  propriety  in  their  being 
divided  upon  a  question  which  respects  resistance  to 
foreign  aggression.  Subjects  of  local  concern  may 
be  variously  discussed,  and  perfect  unanimity  at  the^ 
same  time  be  displayed  against  the  common  foe.  It 
may  not  suit  tie  taste  of  every  one  to  repair  to  the 
^amp,  and  take  an  active  part  even  in  the  most  just 


DCFENSITE  WAB. 


141 


war:  nor  is  l^ere  any  necessity  fbrthkM  lii  some 
cases  it  would  be  improper  to  reiinquiflh  olherdu-^ 
ties,  and  seize  the  sword  of  defence  itself.  Nay,  it 
is  possible,  that  in  a  just  war,  those  who  conduct 'it, 
may  «rder  what  it  would  be  criminal  to  perform,  and 
may  impose  conditions  of«  senrice  with  which  it 
would  not  be  lawful  to  comply^  These  and  other 
accidental  evils  may  be  examined,  reprovedi  resisted, 
^nd  corrected,  and  yet  the  cause  of  war  sustained, 
and  the  ends  of  the  war  prosecuted,  by  the  whole 
community. 

That  it  is  criminal  not  to  support  a  just  war,  1  ae- 
gue  in  the  following  manner.  Such  a  course  of  con- 
duct^ Prwnotes  the  injustice  of  the  enemy — PtoUmgstht 
woTg  with  all  its  concomitant  evils — and  is  Prohibited 
hy  the  Lord. 

^'%^  It  promotes  the  infustice  of  the  enemy.  Silence, 
%n8,  words,  and  actions — whatsoerer,  in  its  place, 
tends  to  prevent  exertion  in  obtaining  redress  for  Jie^ 
jury,  encourages  the  spirit  which  inflicted  the  inju* 
ry,  and  so  promotes  the  claims  of  injustice.  When 
War  is  commenced,  the  contest  is  of  course  for  victo-^ 
lyi '  He,  who  desires  that  victory  should  avenge  in- 
jury, and  vindicate  equity,  will  be  at  no  loss  to  say 
to  which  side  his  affections  ii^line.  Every  man  in  a 
free  state  is  oi  some  value.  His  opinions  and  hit 
Wdrds  have  sonte  influence.  They  ought  always  t<» 
be  on  the  side  of  equity :  and  if  our  affections  in- 
cline to  those  who  wage  a  defensive  war,  we  so  far 
promote  the  good  of  human  society.    Never  should 


142 


TME  LAWriTlNKgS  OF 


4 


^  cbHstiai,  under  any  pretence  whatever,  speak  or 
act  so  as  to  encourage  tffence  against  tbe  rights  of 
liociety  ;  so  as  to  encourage  the  injustice  of  the  foe, 
or  to  prevent  the  due  execution  of  punishment  upon 
the  aggressor  by  the  forces  employed  by  an  injured 
nation.  Whether  he  engage  in  hostilities  or  not, 
every  part  of  his  deportment,  and  especially  his 
prayers,  should  unequivocally  promote  the  success  of 
the  legitimate  side  of  the  question. 

2.  Those,  who  withhold  their  support  from  the  war 
in  which  their  country  is  engaged,  do  what  tends  to 
prolong  the  evil. 

When  appeal  is  once  made  to  the  law  offQrfie,ihe 
parties,  if  they  do  not  cease  to  reason,  en^oy  dis- 
cussion only  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  sword.  It  then 
becomes  a  contest  for  victory.  The  aggressor,  influ- 
enced originally  by  principles  of  injustice,  is.  not 
likely  to  be  corrected  by  his  own  success.  The  his- 
tory of  nations  affords  no  instance  of  claiins,  which 
occasioned  war,  being  relinquished  by  the  offending 
party,  merely  because  the  resistance  of  the  other 
was  feeble.  When  a  people  are  divided,  they  ofifer 
themselves  an  easy  prey  to  the  aggressor;  and-  e-i^n, 
if  they  should  untimately  succeed  in  redressing  the 
evil,  their  weakness  and  discord  certainly  prLdttongs 
the  contest.  A  protracted  warfare,  althou^  vMir 
ttiately  successful,  is  a  present  6vil;  and  the  frieiKfe 
of  a  speedy  peace  will  always,  in  war,  i)e  'desirous 
to  employ  the  energy  which  alone  can  deserve  aiid 


5c&;uiC    a    pC«C€* 


iii^aujt     jQvue 


'*  * 


DBMNSITH  WAK. 


14S 


•'(T*. 


should  trifle.  It  is  ruinoua-^It  is  crue^jb  proloi^ 
unnece^igarily,  even  a  war  ©f  ^lefence.  In  so  far  at 
any  Hiember  of  the  community,  in  public  pr  in  pri- 
vate, distracts  the  oouficilak  or  impeden  the  progr^^ 
of  those  who  Conduct  the  wan,  he  evidently  prelongi 
the  contest,  and  does  what  he  can  to  prevent  the  re^ 
turn  of  peace.  So  far  the  guilt  of  a  protracted  war. 
fare  is  chargeable  upoi^him*  It  is^  indeed,  an  evi* 
denceof  the  displeasure  of  the  Deity,  when  a  people^ 
instead  of  unanimously  co-operating  for  punishii^ 
the  aggressor,  are  so  divided  and  enfeeWed  as  to 
prolong,  for  years,  a  contest  which  might  be  brought 
to  a  successful  issue,  almost  inrunediately  afitef  i^ 
commencement.  The  man  who  withholds  his  sup- 
port in  such  a  ease,  is  the  enemy  of  peace:  be  Icyves 
his  party  more  than  he  does  his  country,  niore  than 
he  does  honour,  and  justice;  moie  even  than  hu* 
manity,  or  his  own  interest  connected  with  the  re- 
turn 6f  peaces  who  strives,  for  the  sake  of  party>  to 
enfeeble  the  arm  of  authority,  to  withhold  the  a^ 
(Pessary  resources,  and  to  discouraige  the  soldier.      * 


•#-,.».. 


#;  T%e  Lord  tf  the  miverse,  who  is  also  the  G^ 
of  battles,  reproves  those,  who  withheld  frdm  their 
country  their  support,  in  a  lawful  war.  -        -^ 

-mf  the  terms  upon  which  your  country  oifer^ 
friendship  and  peace  to  the  enemy  be  reciprocal  an#: 
just,  you  are  wrong  to  discourage  your  countryj  and 
so  encourage  the  foe.  If  in  your  conscience  y6u 
believe  the  terms  offered  to  be  just,  you  are  mU-^on. 
y^uiiica  li  you  uo  not  support  your  country  in  the 


H 


M^ 


THJI,  J^AW|^m.{ifKS&  PF 


^f 


-^. 


con^eslr  Tbe^JiKiUQral  and  imelijiidiis  Jtend^cy  of 
fr^r  ;.its  p^s*  Us jossea,  ^w^Us.dangers,  procii»cQ  the 
4il^,cf  having  done  fi^  H  m  soon  as  possible.  vH 
iy^crinii^aiJo  protitacttit;  a^  4>f  course,  it  is  dia- 
fl^fkiiiig.  to  the  Deity  not  to  ;pU8h.  it  yigorously 
4p.,ai^end.  , 


fe«i» 


^  H^  |ji  fi  God  of  justice  and  of  truAb*  He  will  hav« 
^i  ip  judg^  ,|-igbt^ous  judgment.  He  commands  f U| 
lo^Joyetbe  truth  and  the  peace;  and  to  promote  |he 
^fiowledge  and ,  tlje  practice  of  equity.  Thertefore 
^e* reproves  those  w|io.do,not  support  an  equ|tat>te 
^ar>  as.  the  oc^us^  of  God,  tha  SupFenae>  Judge* 
Judges  ,y.  ^23.  Cn^se  ,ye  Mcras,  (said  the  ang€l  ^qJMc 
f^4}  c^ir^  jfjLbj^tf^4s^iheii^uU>Uauis  thereof:  because 
tt^^Qpie  ml  t^ih^  ktlp  qf  tha  JLnard,!^  M^Afijp^  tie 

The  part  of  Jewish  history,  in  which  this  reproof 
is  found,  asserts  the  sovereignty  of  God,  and  places 
th^  f<^«^#ha¥»ct^ir  in  a  striking  lights  The  words 
Pioted ^re^us^  in  the  song  of  Deborah, Uie  wife^of 
|^a^i<^()^^wJ30 /by,  an  extraordinary  proi^idenoe  was 
i^ed  Mp;tQlhi^  rank  and  the  office  of  ju<%e4o  the 
c^monw^alth  of  Israel,  In  the,  sonf  itself,  we 
h^ve  an  instance  of  female  genius,  under  the  influx 
jf^eiOi  4i|Kine  inspiration,  and  glowing  with^poeti&ai^ 
4fH>>'*«P#^'i<^^i^ti),  and  prowess. .}  The  prophetess  ap« 
|Pi«"*r»>  "'giving  |)reath  to  the  trumpet  of.  war,"  rousing 
the  spirit  <^fhei-  slumbering  cotemporaiies,  end  di^ 
rf  qU*»g  "  the  ^embattled  host"  to  contend  ^oir  the>]itj 
l^^^QJt  hei;  flMich  iiyured  couotry,.to-coni|ltei:x  and 


f*- 


OEf EimVk  WAM. 


Ml 


m  ifkmpk.    rbmi^^^tm  of  pete^  and  pt^ 
m^7»  wHii  whith  1M  trilteg  6f  lacobhffti  been  fl^ 
fouwKl,  after  ibe  denfh  tttW^on  khijtof  Moat>  «Jmlr 
persecutor,  had  enervated  that  people,  and  so  odca- 
wwied  fiieir  ignoble  eiibmisslortt^r  the  t^^nnMl 
encroachments  of /fliiii  the  Canaanilish  kii^.  Tmett^ 
ty  years  did  this  neighbouriniaf  despot  instiH  the  If> 
wellti^j  commonwealth,  and  peculiarly  vex  and  Op- 
rwesi  the  tribes  of  iUfiftm  and  I^phiaH.    SUsera, 
the  oaplaitt  of  his  hos*,  was  one  of  the  most  a^e  iM 
distlngiiished  wwriers  of  Ihe  age,  and  had  at  MsctHlf* 
«wn«  an  Qrataineiit  weW  armnged,  and  consequentry 
fWtnldable  itf^^apfe  who  ioved  the  arts  of  peace. 
IJlie  pei^le  of  IsrAel,  besi<fes,  separated  into  tw«lv* 
<lifltinct  and  itidepen^tf*  prlncipalhies,  and  having 
BO^standing  army  to  fight  their  battles,  were  not  en- 
sily  brought  to  co-opei^ate  so  as  unanimously  to  pout- 
forth  their  militia,  the  only  forces  of  the  nation,  in 
order  to  cbastase  aggp-ession. 


m 


ii^Undor  these  clttjomstwic*  »>««&  appeared  dei^ 
lined  at  the^LoKl  to  deliver  her  country  from  d^ 
straciion^  from  insult^  and  JSmmb  kijury.  Awakened', 
*9^?  present  oppresaion,  iWor**  reKnqtiished  ^ 
ease  and  retifement  under  tlie  pidms  of  Mc4l« 
Ephraim,  and  summoned  aloi^^witfr  he*  t#the  field  of 
blood  BaroA?  the  son  of  AhiBosini,  atthe  head  of  te^, 
thoittand  undisc^lined  voluanteers,  to  contend  m 
em^  wUh  veteran  tixw^  supported  by  mne  hutt^ 
dred  chariots  of  iron*  Barak  was  victorious.  Bisera 
feU.     Ismel  was  delivewdi     Fea<»  was  restoredr 

Those  llAQ:iainpnriaf<  <tto»:«<rtt*. 


oawrt  nv«»^ 


•••"««•»'»«»    *% 


^  muv< 


19 


€OIfCLUiK»l. 


'it'' 


X 


G^»»fiiHfstie,  ai^iir&ked  of  the^|i€^^^  and  U)%  <ivh9 
refused  their  co-f^ratioo^  ai^r  placed  l>^  th^  pr^^ 
pbetess  under  a  dlrine  maledkUon.  ^  v , 

EphiiEto,  and  Benjamin,  and  lasachar^  thene  irises 
tiiat  maintained  the  war^^  are  cpraniMMled.  Reubeni 
%dit  into  factions  by  party  ^irit,  occasioned  lamen-; 
tations  in  Isriiel-^For  the  divisions  pf  Mevbm  iher9: 
were  great  searcMngs  of  heart.  Two  of  the  triluMi 
Were  remarkable  for  their  power  and  patrioiisnir?T- 
ZeMuw  and  Naphtali  were  a  peopU  who  jeoparded 
their  lives  unto  the  death  in  the  high- j^l^ees^qf^ the 
field.  Upon  Meroa,  who  entirely  wHlitbeld  h^j|^ 
port,  when  the  ca^se  of  her  coiimiry  pr^^ibited  neitr 
trality«-»-upon  Meroz  fell  the  cufseof  God.  i  ;= 

-■'•mm'^b^ikk^:-.,   ^_:    ■■■  :)  -a-:tMw- Iff.  ■      '..-■■'■         /    '■  ■- 

THE    CONCLUSION^ 


Prom  these  premises  is  *  obvious  4q:  ail  my  hearers. 
When  your  country  is  at  war  in  defence  of  her 
r^lits,-it  is  yo^r  tkity  ;to  eliecmrage,  by  alllawful 
j^ansi  her  exertions  in  the  strifes  It  is  criminal 
tb  ^kninish  her*  strength,  or  impede  her  progress. 
1*6  this  principle  I  Would  call  your  notice  from  the 
pSj^^y  while  om*  friends  and  our  brethren  from 
thfe  adjacent  country  are  assemWed  around  our  city, 
^*  defend  it  from  attack:  while  those  among  our 
fellow- worshippei-s  in  this  house,  who  are  fit  to  bear 
arms,  are  practising  in  the  field  the  arts  of  defensive 
warfare :  while  all  ranks  and  classes  of  our  fellow- 
cftizens  are  employing  their  hands  and  their  money 
m,  raising  bulwarks  on  every  assailable  pointy  to 


sr." 


CONeLU6IOI7« 


m 


protect  our  bomes^iDd  our  plm(i^  public}  woi^ip^ 
let  us  accompaiiy  them  with  &m  Irishes  and  ou^ 
prayers,  lest  we  beooine  anenslayeil  people. 

Far  be  k  from  me  &>  take  advantage  ^o£4^e  gene- 
ral ali^m,  to  inipel  you  to  a  forgetfulness  of  the 
duties  vi^bich  you  owe  to  yourselves,  to  triUh,  and 
to  yottr  country,  i*elative  to  those  who  ba?e  been 
eiiifUsted,  by  tfae^  suffrages  of  a  free  people,  to  ad- 
mihister  their  governm^t;  to  make,  to  apply,  and 
tois^ecute  the  laws*  Examine^  yes,  exaininei  wdtfc 
r^diipus  impartialltyv  their  character  and  theur  acts: 
s^l^lr  6ui;  blatne  them  when  they  do  wrong:  But 
forget  not  your  country.  Unite  in  her  4efence-T:in 
defence  of  her  iijured  rights.  Support  those  who 
wield  the  sword,  and  who  direct  its  application — 
support  them  with  the  .means  necessary  1o  convince 
the  enemy  that,  whatever  may  be  the  domestic 
strife  for  influence,  for  place,  and  for  power,  in  re- 
gard to  those  who  have  taken:  your  friends,  and  your 
fetkiw-eitizens  into  captivity,  who  have  interrupted 
and  de^oiled  your  trade  upon  the  ocean,  who  have 
violated  your  neutrality,  and  who  lay  claim  to 
your  soil,— in  regard  to  them,  convince  the  enemy, 
convince  your  own  rulers^  and  the  whole  world,1iiat. 
ydu  have  but  one  miiid»  Defensive  war  is  lawful-*- 
a  brave  people  hare*  the  prospect  of  success— and 
a  moral  people'  will  prosecute  the  contest  to  a  suc- 
cessful termination.-^  Amen. 


"W^' 


■  ''^'if' 


■i.'> 


■^■%:^W: 


ih-' 


•#?' 


■^  -  .«i'    ■'tf  J^'>  j;i^^-.>  ■^\i'^'- "  ■■■  ■^ 


'■Tf*.«' 


-«^ 


5|»it^"S(-:i  j :  wf-i*  j'^r  '^f  i,^^j??^!^v^  '^ , 


i 


iu.^n. 


V-^  "5*1 


^  ''^ 


W^' . 


J-t. 


THE  PIffiSBNT  WAR. 


-tA^»». 


X 


SERMON  IV. 

With  good  advke  make  war,    Pror.  rx.  18. 

XHE  principles  of  this  proverb  I  have  already 
stated  and  defended;  To-day  you  expect  the  ^ 
plication.  If  the  gene^l  doetrines  laid  down  in  iM 
preceding  discourse  be  admitted,  we  can  p^eed 
harmoniously  in  applying  lh«Bm  td^^  existing  circuin- 
sUnces;  but  if  the  truth  of  these  be  disputed,  we 
leave  the  case  to  your  refleetioiis,  without  urging  our 
sentiments ;  well  convinced  of  the  dificuHy  of  eim- 
vincing  men  against  their  own  inclinations.  In  order 
to  refresh  your  recollection,  and  that  you  may  ju<^ 
fahly  of  the  correctness  of  their  application  to  the 
p^nt  pp-i^  I  repeat  the  principles  argued  in  the 
pi^edlngsiermon  upon  the  same  text.  % 

Wkn  IB  IN  SOME   CASES   MORAL. 


Beason  and  Meuelation  prove  this. 


,   =iT   Ju-Ez-cm^a  \sr  rsi\jrs.Rix,   filUKKTY,    Ami  RA- 
TIONAL INDEPENDENCE  AND  HONOOR,   IS  LAWFUL:    AND 


150 


i^E  VricsiJnt  wab. 


i>KFein^vit  War  mat  be  for  precaution/  resistakcb, 

OR  iUCDREtSlg.  ^ 


■'^f 


■  Comnl^  Setise — Writers  on  Pidtlic  Law — and  tfiM: 
Word  of  God^  pr$ik  this.  The  cases  of  J^am,  Qi^ 
deoiiy  and  Davidi0rH^k  ixanipJelsHn  iUustraiidn. 

SuptoStiT  ouoHT^To  lii^iii^Tro  A  jub*  wkj;  ^  ' 


*A  Stmt  of  JuMiei—the  hve  of  Peace^^ofid  the  Sa* 
ered  Seri^vttesiptove  this  assertifht.  It  is  iilnsi^ted 
hyHheivi^fedSon^  of  Deborah. 


,j  • 


Sfaottld  any  of  Jny  hearerif,  anticipating  the  af^li- 
^ilou  ifbidi  Iwi^^acl  maikeof  tbiese  principles  to  the 
■'Jjl^riean  side  of  l^e  present  war,  eithei-  ex{^re98  d 
tjOfiibt'of  (heir  (eoil^cttiesis,  or  defty  their  tmthi^I 
hfftrt>€,  hot  eiitirely  lost  ^tny  ofcgect.  ttake  yott  HI 
y4ur  caption.  Ho  waiter  yoti  ttiay  be  disposed  to  con- 
Mer  your  own  countty  as  the  md^t  guilty  iii  the  jir^- 
seftt  contest,  tf  you  admit  tbfe  pHticipte^  whfch  I 
liate  lft>wrepeated,thejusti4Ce'i^f  Ibis  war  uponolir 
^rt  wiH  iieee^arily  follow;  afeld  If  ydu  reject  the 
gefieral  truths  laid  dbWn,  the  supetiorir^'ustice'Mthe 
enlShiy  will,  in  order  to  be  cousisteflt,  be  adrnitted 
by^you.  Take  your  choice;  and  Ifet  us  reason  tb^ 
getten  *  ?^ 

1.  Do  yo«  deny  the  lamfuhess  of  war  in  any  c)ise  ? 

So  let  it  be.    I  shall  join  with  you  for  the  time.  In 
4ei)recating  its  numerous  'e?ils.    It  fldws  from  the 


THE  PRESKN^ .  WAR. 


1^1 


<;■■'■  • 
•If. 


in^leTolent  passians;;  and  it  encourages  ajid  ^t^i^gtik- 
ens  the  Ticioud  passions  from  which  it  flows.  .11  ar* 
rests  the  progress  of  improvement  in  society.    It 
ioipoverisbes  countries ;  and  lays  wapt^  ihf  fsitiep  of 
the  naiMotfs.    It  exposes  to  temptations*  and  cor- 
nets, the  youth,  c  It  exposes  lio  danger  and  ta  d^Ui. 
It  hurries  into  eternity,  in  an  unpijepi.rcd  state,  thou- 
sands of  our  thoughtless  fellow-sinners,  wbo  mi^ht 
otherwise  have  had  time  and  space  of  repentance.  *  If 
it  be  entirely  unlawful,  it  must  of  course  be  fie 
greatest  of  crimes  w^ch  manco^nmits  against  inapi: 
and  the  nation  which  wages  war  jbguytypf.  a  1^^ 
nous  oflfeiee  against  the  moral  Gorernor  of  (he 
world.      Upon  yqur  principles,,  war  is  a^natio^l 
criine ;  and  the  nation  is  guiUyi|ffore  God,  and|iii 
your  own  estimation,  in  propoj^c^  to  the  mag{K| 
^de  of  the  offence.     The  greater  the  war,   ^ 
greater  the  guilt.    Piety  tqo,  abhors  guilty  nftiolwi 
Ypu,  therefore,  who  consider  war  as  a  crime,  will 
abhor  nations  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  tl|e  ws|iv 
in  which  they  are  concerned.    Apply  this,    Blai|ie 
your  own  country  for  her  three  years  war.    l^ti|ie;F 
down  as  guijty.    Abhor  her  in  due  proportion^   Lift 
up  your  voice  againsit  your  rulers,  who  caused  |he 
nation  to  err,  and  are  foremost  in  the  crime.     But 
what  do  you.say  of  purfpe?  Great  Britain  is  also 
at  war  with  us.    You  say,  war  is  unlawful  ^  thin* 
she  too  is  guilty.    Do  you  admit  this?  Her  guilt  is 
of  older  date.    It  is  pf  greater  ei^tent.    Ittis|of 
longer  duration.    She  }s  scarcely  ever  at  pea^e. 
Her  guill,  upon  your  own  principles,  surpasses  the 
guilt  of  all;  the  ^atij^^  |^^  j^^th.    Hurii^  ^ 


152 


lUE   PRESENT  WAR. 


last  fifty  years,  she  hns  shed  more  bleed  ia  India 
tfaafi  has  been  shed  in  Europr :  and  in  all  the  wars  of 
Europe  she  is  a  party.    Do  yen  then  believe  she  is 
the  most  guihy  nation  npon  earth?   Say  so.    Let 
your  conversation  and  your  political  opaiions  matii* 
lest  that  you  are  in  earnest,    ^ow,  that  it  is  the 
abiorrence  of  sM  war  from  a  pure  conscience,  and  not 
a  |>olitical  bias  ajQrainst  this  republican  country,  the 
least  guilty  of  the  crime  of  war,  that  induces  you  to 
ie|>robate  the  contest.    Declare,  unequivocally,  that 
as  all  war  is  unjust  j  as  the  gtiilt  is  in  prqporti<^  to 
the  extent  and  duration  of  the  criminalky,  Great 
Bditain  is  guilty  of  the  greatest  national  injustice. 
You  cannot  avojd  this  codclusion.    You  cannot 
avoid  the  charge  of  insincerity,  if  you  do  not  readi^ 
ly^  adopt  this  conclusion.    But  I  hat«  not  yet  done 
with  this  subject.    I  will  try  you  further  by  your 
own  moral  maxims.    AU  war  is  crime-^A  naHon  is 
gmlty  inproportim  to  the  scale  upon  which  it  sins  hy 
eatrymg  on  war.    These  are  your  maxims.    Then 
ym  declare,  that  tiie  power  of  the  British  empire  is 
ibtmded  in  crime.    War  hath  raised  her  to  her  pre- 
•eat  splendour.    Behold  her  navy — ^what  you  call 
the  instrument  of  her  guilt.    It  is  her  support  and 
her  glory.    It  is  that  very  navy  too,  which  bath 
preved  the  cause  of  our  war  with  her.    If  we  are 
guilty  for  going  to  war;  she  at  least  was  the  tertjpter. 
It  was  her  war — according  to  your  maxim,  her  crime ; 
it  was  her  crime  against  other  powers  that  affected 
CBUf  neutrality,  and  of  course  produced  the  rupture* 
Shfe  despoiled  our  trade;  she  took  seamen  from  otir 
pe#cetoi  vessels,    mm  forced  them  to  the  service  of 


THB  PRESENT  WAR. 


j53 


SHii  for  you  say  war  is  sififul,    Britain  Ihen,  engii- 
ged  with  other  nations  in  crime,  sought  pccasi^i 
^to  Ibrce  some  of  our  people  to  take  part  in  that 
jqrime.    She  committed  a  crime  upon  us..  She  is  ^t^ll 
guilty  of  the  same  crime.    She  continues  at  waiv  If, 
then,  war  ig  in  all  cases  unjust,  she  is  the  most  up- 
just.    Examine  your  own  hearts,    ^vy^  by  your  al- 
jtachments,  the  degree  of  influence  which  your  sea- 
i^jinents  have  over  yoi^r  inclinations;  an4  most  «fef-' 
jjuredly,  you  can  no  longer  consider  yourselves  ^n- 
C^r^,  if  opposed  to  all  war,  you  yet  remain  tlie  parU- 
isans  3of  lEngland  in  her  strife  with  America.     You 
will,  if  conscientious,  speak  and  act  in  such  a  tnanni^* 
as  to  be  above  suspicion:  and  you  vfW]  dp  me,  I  hope, 
the  justice  to  acknowledge,  that  jiot  my  argdjflcie;i|» 
but  your  own  principle,  holds  up  to  the  moral  world 
the  government  of  England  as  most  worthy  ^Cchrjisr 
tian  abhorrence,/,  .„      *       , 


?^". 


1Y^ 


2.?  You  will,  perhaps,  admit,  that  defensivfewartis 
lawful,  but  deny  my  definition -of  it  tp  be-e^rrect* 
Will  you  give  us  your  own  definition  pf  defonsivfe 
warfare  ?  Will  y pu  exclude  precmiHon  and  redress^ 
and  confine  it  tP  resistance  u^on  i^our  own  soil  againsi 
invasion  ?  1  am  satisfied :  not>  indeed,  with  the  cor- 
rectness of  your  views,  but  with  the  sufficiency  ^f 
your  own  admission  to  the  object  which  I  hav^in 
view— -to  convince  you  that  Great  Britain  is5tillth<| 
more  gAiilty  nation.,  Let  then  the  definitipn^yow 
have  given,  contrary  as  it  is  tp  all  authority,  be  the 
one  adopted  in  the  ])resent  case.  Jhsi&tanec.JOj^n 
invading  eneiiii/  is  alot(€  iuwf Hi  7vt{r,        -         -     4  |    , 

'  ■  20    '    ■    ■ 


154 


THE  PRESENT      WAR. 


This  is  your  definition.  You  will  allow  me  again 
to  urge  the  duty  of  consistency.  Abide  by  the  ap- 
plication of  your  own  definition.  Tell  me  then, 
when  did  England  wage  a  lawful  war?  When  was 
her  soil  invaded?  Are  her  armies  confined  to  her 
own  soil?  Is  her  fleet  confined  within  the  limits  of 
her  own  waters?  Was  it  within  British  seas  she 
blockaded  the  ports  of  the  nations,  plundered  our 
merchants,  searched  our  vessels,  and  captivated  our 
mariners?  No,  my  friends/^ According  to  your  views 
of  lawful  war,  England  is  the  disturber  of  the  na- 
tions; and  her  crime  is  her  glory.  She  is  proud 
that  her  soil  is  in  safety.  She  triumphs  in  the  idea, 
that  her  armies  have  overrun  the  provinces  of  her 
enemy.  She  boasts  of  wielding  the  trident  over  the 
ocean,  and  in  the  ports  of  the  several  nations  of  the 
earth.  By  your  definition,  as  the  apologists  of  Eng- 
land, you  may  condemn  as  immoral  the  achievements 
of  our  Browns,  and  our  Scotts,  our  Gaines,  and  our 
Porters — You  may  condemn  the  invasion  of  Canada 
by  the  American  arms :  but  certainly,  you  have  an 
equal  degree  of  guilt  to  balance  the  account  of 
criminality,  between  the  belligerents,  in  the  capture 
of  Detroit,  the  invasion  of  Plattsburgh,  the  posses- 
sion of  Castine,  the  plunders  of  the  Chesapeake,  and 
of  the  cities  which  lie  on  its  rivers,  and  its  shores.: 
and  there  is  yet  a  vast  portion  of  guilt  to  which  there 
is  no  parallely^  If  it  be  unlawful  to  pass  in  war,  the 
limits  of  our  own  country,  you  may  blot  from  the 
number  of  your  saints,  the  names  of  Abraham,  and 
David,  and  Gideon:  but  you  cannot  justify  that  na- 
tion that  has  died  in  blood  the  snows  of  Seandinavia, 


V 


THK   PRESENT   WAR. 


i&n 


and  the  sands  of  the  Ganges ;  (hat  has  kindled  the 
flames  of  peaceful  Copenhagen,  and  levelled  to  the 
dust  the  bulwarks  of  Seringapatam. 

If  it  be  unjust  to  wage  war  for  the  preservation 
of  property,  liberty,  and  national  dignity  or  inde- 
pendence, I  believe  it  will  not  be  easy  to  find  in 
the  history  of  nations  a  justifiable  war,  or  any  na- 
tion so  innocent  of  shedding  blood  as  the  United 
States  of  America.     It  is  impossible  to  reason  upon 
moral  principles  against  the  side  of  America  in  the 
present  war,    without  exposing  the   immorality  of 
the  enemy.     Every  argument,   that  can  apply,   in 
any  one  case,  against  this  country,  will,  with  greater 
force,  apply  in  mani/  cases,  to  the  other  belligerent. 
Make  the  experiment,  and  you  will  feel  the  force  of 
my  assertion.     In  the  books  of  the  wars  of  England, 
no  cause  of  battle  which  will  bear  examination  can 
be  found,  if  you  reject  as  illegitimate  those  which 
have    been    mentioned.    There  is  only   one  other 
conceivable  cause.    War  may  be  waged  in  defence  of 
religious  rights  in  opposition  to  persecution.     Of  this 
cause,  however.  Great  Britain   in   her  wars  cannot 
avail  herself.     The  church  of  England  is  not  suffer- 
ing under  persecution.     She  feels  power;  and  how- 
ever she  may  be  charged  by  others  with  an  intole- 
rant spirit,  she  is  under  no  necessity  of  contending 
by  the    sword  for  toleration    for   herself.    There 
was    a   time  when   English   men  fought  for   their 
religious  liberties.     They   contended   against  their 
own  kings,    his    prelates,   his   counsellors,  and  his 

ainiTi,      1  iicy  uumciiucu  vuiiaijiiy,  uini   itiijir    viuour 


15C> 


THE    PRESEIVT   WAK. 


deserves  to  be  held  in  eveiJasting  remembrance* 
That  day  is  past ;  and  nlas !  the  descendants  of  the 
New-England  pilgrims,  the  descendants  of  English 
and  Scottish  dissenters  from  prelatical  usurpation, 
appear  to  have  forgotten,  in  their  admiration  of  the 
grandeur  of  British  power,  the  mixture  of  supersti- 
tion and  misrule  in  tlie  complex  constitution  of 
church  and  state  in  that  land — the  evil,  of  which  their 
fathers  complained,  and  under  which  tiiey  grievously 
suflered. 


There  are,  in  the  Britisli  empire,  both  within  and 
without  her  present  ecclesiastical  political  esta- 
blishment, men  of  virtue,  of  truth,  of  piety,  who 
revere  the  memory  of  the  Puritans,  and  who  are 
themselves  friends  to  the  rights  of  humanity  who 
strive  to  diffuse  the  light  of  Christianity  among  the 
nations ;  and  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities 
which  even  criminal  conquest  may  offer  for  that 
purpose.  But  the  wars  of  the  sovereign  are  not  for 
tlie  defence  of  religion.  They  are  political.  It  is 
not- by  the  Royal  family,  the  counsellors,  the  nobles, 
or  the  array,  that  Britisl)  j)iety  is  supported.  It  is 
not  for  the  honour  of  religion  that  tlie  sacrament  is 
prostituted;  and  that  dissenters  are  excluded  from 
power.  It  is  not  in  support  of  the  great  Protestant 
cause,  that  Papists  are  kept  down  in  Ireland,  and 
raised  up  to  all  the  splendourof  their  superstition  in 
Italy,  in  Spain,  and  in  France,  by  the  arms  of  Eng- 
land. It  is  not  for  the  sake  of  Christianity,  in 
the  most  extensive  use  of  that  word,  that  a  revenue 
accrues  to  the  British  government  from  the  Paean 


TUK  I'RFSEKT   WAB. 


157 


esiablisuments  of  India.  The  wars,  in  short,  of  our 
enemy,  wherever  they  are  waged,  are  utterly  ille- 
gitimate and  urjust  upon  the  principle  of  the  defini- 
tion which  you  have  given,  for  the  purpose  of 
condemning,  as  unjust,  that  policy  of  your  own 
government,  which  makes  the  provinces  of  the  ene- 
my, in  some  instances,  the  seat  of  the  present  war. 

3.  Do  you  give  up  tlie  controversy  about  the  na- 
ture of  defensive  warfare,  and  admit  the  justice 
of  transferring  it  into  the  enemy's  territory,  but  still 
deny  the  applicability  of  the  cases  which  I  liave 
stated  from  the  Bible  ? 


I  meet  you  upon  this  ground  with  cheerfulness. 
It  is  christian  ground.  Let  the  Bible  direct  our  po- 
litical conduct.  Let  this  book  decide  upon  the  prin- 
ciples which  we  are  to  apply  to  the  belligerent  na- 
tions, in  determining  the  measure  of  their  rights  and 
their  wrongs.  If  I  have  misapplied  its  maxims, 
give  1/mr  interpretation.  I  will  adopt  your  own 
comment,  and  show  you,  that  if  its  principles  condemn 
the  American  policy,  it  will  also  condemn,  with  equal 
severity,  and  in  more  numerous  instances,  the  moral 
character  of  British  wars,  for  which  you  are  an  apo- 
logist against  your  country.  You  will  again  have 
an  opportunity  of  examining,  as  a  sincere  christian, 
your  own  heart,  and  of  trying,  before  your  God, 
your  scruples  relative  to  the  present  war.  You  can 
then  determine,  whether  they  arise  from  tenderness 
of  conscience,  or  from  the  prejudices  of  foreign  par- 


»•»*♦»  *«M^-i:?« 


I5« 


TflE   FRF.SENT    WAR. 


Offer  your  objections  to  the  proof  I  have  adduced 
from  the  Bible.  Do  you  say  the  cases  are  not  pa- 
rallel ?  I  grant  it.  The  wars  of  Palestine  ditfer  in 
many  things  from  the  American  war.  Palestine 
itself  differs  from  these  lands  which  we  occupy. 
The  people  too  are  in  many  things  different  from 
us.  And  yet,  there  are  also  many  things  in  which 
their  circumstances  agree.  But  to  gratify  you,  I 
drop  all  pretensions  to  maintain  the  parallel.  I 
have  cited  the  cases  of  Abrain,  Gideon,  and  David. 
/  have  stated  facts.  These  facts  are  not  disputed. 
Upon  the  facts,  /  have  rested  principleft.  These 
principles  may  be  applied.  It  is  not  in  order  to 
amuse  you  with  expert  analogies,  in  order  to  run 
a  parallel,  that  I  have  opened  the  Bible.  It  is  for 
the  purpose  of  exhibiting  principles,  and  the  facts 
which  support  and  explain  them.  The  principles 
being  discovered,  every  man  may  judge  of  the  ap- 
plication. Do  you  deny  these  principles/  War  is 
lawful — detensive  war  is  lawful— to  prevent,  resist, 
or  repair  an  injury,  is  lawful — war  may  be  waged 
for  the  defence  of  liberty,  property,  and  national  in- 
dependence, if  any  of  these  are  either  threatened  or 
violated.  Do  you  deny  these  principles  ?  No ;  you 
have  admitted  them.    I  will,  therefore,  apply  them  to 


The  war  in  which  our  countrv  is  at  pr£Se;?t 

ENGAGED. 


In  making  this  application  of  the  words  of  inspi- 
ration, "  With  good  advice  make  war,''*  I  design  to 
show,  that  The  United  States  have  lawful  cause  of 


\ 


THE  PRESENT  WAK. 


U9 


fvar  with  Great  Britain,  and  to  explain  The  princi- 
pits  upon  which  the  war  should  be  prosecuted, 

I.  The  Causes  of  the  present  war. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  personal  wishes  or 
opinions'  of  those  who  recommended  to  the  congress 

ta  declaration  if  hostilities,  the  instrument  itself,  iu 
which  the  declaiation  is  made,  and  the  Heport  of  the 
Committee  of  Foreign  Relationsy  assert  facts,  and  con- 
tain  reasonings,    too   true  to   afford  the  impartial 
reader  an  opportunity  of  denying,  upon  moral  prin- 
ciples, the  legitimacy  of  an  appeal  to  the  sword.    That 
in  the  recommendation  of  war,  and  in  the  ultimate 
decision,  some  of  the  men  in  power  may  have  been 
influenced  by  personal  irritation— others,  by  views 
of  ambition  and  self-interest—and  others,  by  fear  of 
giving  offence  to  patrons,  or  to  constituents,  I  do  not 
take  upon  me  to  deny  or  to  affirm.    Such  motives, 
in   some  degree,  enter  very  generally  into  the  rea- 
sonings  and  conduct  of  all  men,  and  particularly  of 
politicians;  but  even  then  there  may  exist  a  love  of 
country,  and  a  sense  of  justice,  modifying  the  less 
worthy  motives.    With  the  private  designs  of  indi- 
viduals, we  have  not  in  this  inquiry  so  much  to  do  as 
with  matters  of  fact,  which  are  of  public  notoriety. 
God  judges  the  heart:  but,  it  is  known  to  the  world, 
that  for  a  series  of  years,  the  British  sovereign  was 
in  the  habit  of  injuring  the  interests  and  honour  of 
this  commonwealth.      Whatever  diversity   of  opi- 
nions may  exist  respecting  the  extent  of  the  injmy ; 
and  although  the  expediency  and  Justice  of  the  war! 


160 


T}IE   CAUSfCS  OF 


at  its  commencement,  may  have  been  called  in  ques- 
tion, no  man  ever  doubted  that  the  application  of 
the  rule  of  the  war  of  1756,  the  orders  in  council, 
and  the  numerous  blockading  decrees  of  that  nation, 
were  injurious  to  the  fair  trade  of  America.  The 
practice,  too,  of  searching  our  vessels  by  their  men 
of  war,  in  order  to  impress  our  peaceful  sailors  inlp 
their  service,  as  tlie  fact  has  never  been  doubted, 
will  be  universally  admitted  to  be  a  grievance — a 
heavy  grievance  to  any  people,  and  much  more  so 
taji  free  and  independent  empire. 


' 


:.^- 


.  There  are  two  principles,  christians,  upon  which 
you  will  expressj  your  accord.  Whether  the  guilt 
of  provoking  the  war,  or  of  commencing  it,  be  the 
greater,  you  will  admit,  both,  that  the  sin,  for  the  pu- 
nishment OF  WHICH  IT  is  PEKMITTED    BY  THE  DeITY, 

is  chargeable  upon  us  all;  and  that  the  cause  of 
THE  CONTINUANCE  OF  HOSTILITIES,  is  diflTerent  from 
that  which  gave  it  origin.  If  1  shall  have  suc- 
ceeded in  proving  that  the  original  grounds  of 
the  declaration  of  war  were  moral,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  propriety  now  of  resisting  an  Invading 
foe,  or  of  continuing  the  contest  until  it  terminate 
in  an  equitable  peace.  I  do  not  rest  my  argument 
entirely  upon  the  limited  idea  of  defence,  which  is 
involved  in  resisting  invasion,  although  in  the  present 
stage  of  the  contest,  this  would  suffice  to  proye,  its 
justice.  He  is  unworthy  of  being  treated  with  an 
appeal  to  intellect  or  conscience,  who  would  dispute, 
after  admitting  the  lawfulness  of  \^ar  in  any  case, 
the  propriety  of  repelling,  force  by  force,  when  a 


tHE  PRESENT  WAR, 


161 


cession  of  territory  is  demanded  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  and  invasion  with  all  its  horrors  approaches 
his  own  door.  ' 

•■^  ir 

I  affirm  the  justice  of  the  war   from  its  com- 
mencement.    Our  neutral   trade  was '  violently  op- 
posed, and  almost  totally  destroyed ;  our  property 
was  captured;  our  fellow-dtizens  wei*e  enslaved, 
while  peaceably  pursuing  their  proper  employment ; 
and  negotiation  failed,  after  the  exertion  of  years,  to 
procure  redress  for  the  past,   or  immunity  for  the 
future.    To  recover  and  preserve  property — ^To  re- 
deem and  to  defend  men,  these  are  lawful  causes  of 
war.    These  are  the  causes  of  the  present  war.    The 
argument  requires  neither  art  noir  elbquence.     It  is 
obvious  to  every  capacity.    It  is  irresistible.    It  may 
be  evaded,  but  it  cannot  be  refuted.     If  it  fail  ia 
extorting  confession,  it  cannot  fail  in  producing  con- 
viction. 


American  property  has  been  seized  and  destroy- 
ed: American  citizens  have  been  impressed  and  en- 
slaved.   These  are  the  facts. 

War,  in  defence  of  property,  of  liberty,  and  of 
life,  is  lawful.    This  is  the  principle. 

Apply  the  principle  to  the  facts.  The  United 
States  have  declared  war,  in  order  to  vindicate  the 
rights  of  property,  of  liberty,  and  of  life.  There- 
fore is  the  present  war^  from  its  ori'^iR. 
and  a  just  war.    lliis  is  the  argument.  ' 

21 


162 


thk  cAcses  dp 


You  inay  speak  about  it,  and  write  about  it;  you 
may  close  your  ey<6s  upon  it;  you  may  go  round 
about,  and  fly  from  it :  but  you  will  in  vain  offer  re* 
sistance  to  its  truth.  The  facts  are  notorious.  The. 
principle  is  confessed.    The  application  is  necessary* 

I  use  very  plain  language!  my  brethren ;  it  is  tim6 
to  speak  plainly  tipoft  this  subject.  Our  country 
has  suffered  abundantly.  Insult  has  been  added  to 
injury,  by  a  people  who  regard  the  American  repub- 
lic with  an  evil  and  a  jealous  eym  They  consider 
this  country  as  a  couimercial  rival.  They  are 
alat'med  at  its  rapid  growth  in  arts,  in  knowledge,  in 
opulence,  and  iri  power.  They  affect  to  despise 
every  thing  that  is  American.  By  their  publica- 
tions, in  prose  and  in  poetry,  the  English  writers 
strive  to  keep  their  countrymen  in  ignorance  of  the 
land  in  which  we  live.  They  draw  a  caricature  of 
our  manners,  our  morals,  our  laws,  and  our  religion. 
Their  official  reports,  those  documents  in  which  the 
veracity  of  history  should  uniformly  be  found,  are 
characterized  by  illiberality  and  misrepresentation. 
In  diplomacy,  they  have  practised  delay ;  they  have 
trifled,  equivocated,  and  insulted.  They  have  sought 
the  glory  of  Great  Britain,  at  the  expense  of  the  Uni- 
ted States;  they  have  endeavoured  to  divide  and  to 
destroy.  The  hatred  which  they  bear  to  our  republi- 
can institutions,  envenoms  the  spirit  of  rivalry,  with 
which  they  contemplate  the  progress  of  empire  in 
the  new  world.  Resistance  ought  to  have  been  made 
long  before  it  was  attempted  by  this  Uation — It 
ought  to  have  been  made  with  unanimity  and  energy- 


% 


THE  PRESENT  WAR. 


n.'^ 


il63 


In  Tindicatinf  the  jiistiiess^of  this  war,  upon  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  there  is  one  interesting 
question,  to  which  I  think  it  my  duty  to  turn  your 
particular  attention.      It    is  one  of  the   principal 
causes  of  the  war,  that  British  officers  have,  while 
acting  upon  the  right  of  search,  impressed  mariners 
from  American  merchantmen.    This  outrage  upon 
the  national  independence,  they  have  endeavoured 
to  justify.    The  practice  was  convenient  and  profit- 
able for  the  navy  of  that  country;  ami  they  sought 
for  a  doctrine  wJiidi  might  serve  to  give  to  it  a  sem- 
blance of  equity.     They  strove  to  discover  some 
general  principle,    which  might  at  the  same  lime 
gratify  the  national  pride  of  England,  and  furnish  a 
source  of  allegation  and  dispute,  among  the  politi- 
cal parties  existing  in  the  United  States.  They  found 
such  a  maxim   in  the  despotic  tenet  of  perpetual 
allegiance  to  the  crown.    This  maxim,  never  admit- 
ted by  any  writer  upon  public  law,  who  has  a  regard 
to  character,  or  is  worthy  of  a  name,  is  no  less  false 
•in  itself,  than  inapplicable  to  the  case  in  hand.    Were 
it  even  true,  that  a  native  of  Britain  can  never  of 
right  throw  ofT  his  allegiance  to  the  country  which 
gave  him  birth,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  the  king 
has  a  riglit  to  take  from  his  employments,  any  of  his 
subjects,  to  serve  him  against  his  own  choice. 

1.  He  has  not  this  right  in  his  own  dominions;  and 
much  less  can  he  procure  it,  by  violating  the  territo- 
ry of  a  neighbouring  nation.  If  he  have  no  right  to 
-^lii'ut  «piJTtii,c  laiiiici  u  ijuusc  Jii  jcjijgiunu,  a nu  force 
the  son  away  from  hh  father,  and  his  mother,  into 


lU 


THE  CAUSES  OF 


slavery  i  certainly  he  has  no  right,  *^^iHrtue  of  na- 
tive allegiance,  to  force  such  a  one  awa>  froni  any 
other  lawful  situation  iii  which  he  may  happen  in 
providence  to  be  placed.  ,       \ 

2.  If  the  doctrine  of  perpetuAl  allegiance  were 
true,  it  would  not  justify  entering  by  force,  and  com- 
mitting violence  on  board  an  American  vessel.  The 
right  of  search,  for  enemy's  goods,  or  contraband  of 
war,  aboard  a  neutral,  is  tolerated,  for  the  purpose 
of  maintaining  a  fair  trade ;  but  it  has  no  connexion 
with  the  violent  and  injurious  practice,  of  dragging 
men  into  bondage,  when  prosecuting  a  fair  trade. 

f.  Us  perpetual  allegiance  gives  no  Hght  of  en- 
slaving an  Knglish  subject,  by  forcing  him  into  a 
service  which  is  not  his  choice ;  much  less  can  it  jus- 
tify the  impressment  of  an  American  citizen.  Urge, 
as  you  will,  the  similarity  of  countenance,  of  dress, 
and  of  language ;  and  the  difficulty  of  distinguish- 
ing man  from  man :  these  remarks  go  only  to  show* 
the  propriety  of  omitting  as  inexptdienti  the  practice 
which  is  so  liable  to  abuse,  even  if  it  were  lawful ; 
but,  on  no  principle  of  sound  reasoning,  can  it  afford 
any  right  whatever,  to  seize  by  force  the  person  of  a 
free  man.*    It  was  reserved  for  the  boasted  wisdom 


•  To  say  of  emigrants  to  the  United  States  from  Europe,  that, 
in  defending  the  rjjihts  of  their  adopted  country  against  the  injuries 
of  their  native  country,  they  are  guilty  of  treason^  and  deserve  the 
punishment  of  traitors^  is  a  perversion  of  principles  and  of  lan- 
euage.  Any  thins,  that  the  ruline  oartv.  an  uniuat  imlffO-  and  n 
packed  jury,  vrW  choose  to  condemn  tinder  the  government  of 


THE  PRESEIVT  WAR. 


165 


of  British  partizans,  to  discover  the  argument,  tl^at 
an  American  deserved  the  punishment  of  impress- 
ment, into  the  naval  service  of  the  haughty  emjure, 
(whose  cruel  yoke  had  formerly  been  thrown  off,)  ^r 
no  other  crime  than  his  resemblance  to  an  Englishr 
man.    Does  this  denote  servitude  ? 

'4.  The  pretext  of  perpetual  allegiance,  can  have 
BO  effect,  in  giving  the  semblance  of  equity  to  th^ 
practice,  in  the  extent  to  which  it  has  been  carried 


CJteat  Britain,  may,  for  that  purpose,  be  denominated  construahe 
treason:  but  treason  cannot  be  committed  except  by  atraittn';  and 
no  man  can  be  a  traitor  unless  he  betrays  his  trust.  Injustice  does 
not  constitute  a  man  a  traitor,  unless  be  has  previously  pledged 
himseir  to  a  certain  course  of  conduct.  Pontius  Pilate  was  unjust 
towards  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  but  Judas  Iscariot  was  a  traitor. 
He  who  has  publicly  disclaimed  allegiince  to  the  king  of  England, 
cannot  afterwards  be^a  traitor  to  his  majesty  ^s  government ;  but  he 
who  has  sworn  s^llegiance  to  the  United  States,,  and  afterward 
serves  the  <?ause  of  the  enemies  of  America,  he,  even  he,  is  the 
man  who  betrays  his  trust,  and  is  indeed  the  traitw  to  his  country. 

All  civilized  slates  act  lipdh  this  obvious  principle  of  morality. 
The^ubjects  of  one  stale  residing  in  another^when  War  breaks  out 
between  them,  are  treated  as  enemies  by  the  state  in  which  they 
live ;  but  not  as  traitors,  because  there  was  np  trust  reposed  in 
them.  It  is  not  until  they  have  acquired  the  rights  of  citizenship 
by  naturalization  that  they  can  be  guilty  of  treason. 

Upon  the  self-same  pritysiple,  fhose  natives  of  Britain,  who  havfc 
left  their  country,  and  publicly  disavowed  their  allegiance,  cannof^ 
injustice  be  expected  to  retain  it,  and  cannot  of  course  either  be- 
tray a  trust  towards  the  British  government,  or  be  guiltyfbf  treascm 
against  the  King.  All,  who  believe  the  correctness  of  the  British 
claims,  practically  declare,  that  thoso  men  are  deceivers,  who,  having 
.,„-..,  r-.-sss  x„   »UT3  xiitxian  UVUIXUIUU9,  usTc   uccuiQS  DSliiniilzeii  ia 

America. 


166 


THE   GAU9ES  QF 


by  the  officers  of  the  British  crown.  They  have 
claimed  the  riglit  of  removing  from  the  vessels, 
aboard  of  which  they  entered  by  formal  contract, 
men  of  all  nations,  who  could  not  possibly  be  mis- 
taken for  natives  of  the  British  Isles.  The  Swede, 
the  Dane,  the  Dutchman,  the  Spaniard*  and  the  sable 
€ons  of  Africa,  have  been  ordered,  under  the  lash, 
to  quit  the  place  of  their  choice,  and  enter  aboard  a 
man  of  war.  Such  are  the  outrageous  acts  which 
the  plea  of  perpetual  allegiance  has  been  invented  to 
cover.  It  has  been  repeated,  and  repeated,  and  re- 
peated, until  weak  men,  in  despite  of  its  absurdity, 
have  beei*  tempted  to  believe  its  truth. 

Having  shown  its  inapplicabilili/,  I  go  on  to  prove 
its  erroneousness. 

The  question  to  which  I  particularly  request  your 
attention,  is. 

The  Right  of  Expatriation. 


The  defence  of  property  is  one  cause  of  this  war. 
The  defence  of  persons  is  another.  Both  are  legi- 
timate causes.  The  seizure  of  men  by  the  naval  of- 
ficers of  England,  took  place  under  the  plea  of  alle- 
giance, which  I  have  shown  to  be  inapplicable.  I 
undertake,  besides,  to  prove  that  it  is  unjust.  In 
taking  this  ground,  I  am  not  ignorant  of  the  oppo- 
sition made  to  the  right  of  expatiiaiion.  I  am  pre- 
pared to  meet  it  in  all  its  force.  The  question  has 
been  discussed  in  Europe  and  Amenc;^.    The  sailor 


THE  PRESENT  WAR. 


167 


and  the  soldier,  the  advocate  aiid  the  judge,  the  U^- 
giyer  and  the  philosopher,  the  husbandman  and  the 
merchant,  the  mechanic  and  the  courtier,  the  divine 
and  the  statesman,  have  taken  an  interest  in  the  dis- 
cussion.   The  decision  affects  all  classes  of  men,  and 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth.    It  behoves  especially, 
the  christian  moralist,  to  know  upon  which  side  the 
truth  is  found,  in  order  to  be  able  to  acquit  himself 
with  a  good  conscience,  wheresoever  it  may  be  his 
lot  to  reside.    If  allegiance  to  human  governments 
be  indeed  unalienable,   he  who  leaves   his  native 
country,  never  can  enjoy  the  rights  of  a  citizen  in 
any  other  land;  and,  although  the  men  of  the  world 
may  sport  with  perjury,  the  christian,  desirous  to  act 
as  an  Israelite  indeed  in   whom  there  is  no  guile, 
can  never,  by  his  profession  or  his  oath,  undertake 
to  transfer  an  allegiance  which  is  in  its  nature  unal- 
terable.   Pitiable  indeed,  is  his  case ;  bound  by  an 
iron  law  to  the  spot  whith  gave  him  birth,  or  pre- 
vented, if  he  should  venture  to  leave  his  first  resi- 
dence, from  enjoying  to  the  end  of  his  life  the  pri- 
vilege of  a  freeman  in  any  other  society  upon  earth, 
in  vindicating  the  rjght  of  expatriation,  I  feel  con- 
vinced I  am  on  the  side  of  humanity  and  godliness. 

All  men  are  born  equally  free— There  is  no  ob- 
ligation by  contract  to  prevent  entirely  a  change  of 
country — allegiance  and  protection  are  reciprocal — 
all  nations  recognize  the  principle  of  expatriation-— 
the  contrary  doctrine  leads  to  absurdity— and  the 
word  of  the  living  God  secures  this  right  to  man. 


168 


THE  CAUSES  OF 


These  are  my  arguments  in  defence  of  iny  ttssei'* 
lion.    I  proceed  to  illustrate  and  apply  them. 

1.  All  Men  are  bom  equally  Free,  ^ 

The  religion,  which  is  from  God,  lays  the  loftiness 
of  man,  the  pride  of  royalty,  and  the  claims  of  no- 
ble blood,  in  the  dust.  It  assures  us  that  God  hath 
made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell 
upon  all  the  face  of  the  car/A*— that  all  are  by  natur^ 
in  a  like  sinful  and  dependent  state.  There  is 
inothing  in  the  bone,  or  the  blood,  or  the  head,  or 
the  heart  of  a  king's  son,  to  distinguish  him  from  the 
infant  p'jasant.  There  is  no  provision  in  nature  or 
religion,  for  binding  one  man  against  his  willto  the 
service  of  another.  Nativity,  therefore,  of  itself, 
produces  neither  sovereignty  nor  allegiance :  and  it 
is  of  course  but  a  violence  against  the  laws  of 
nature  and  of  revelation  to  urge,  on  account  of  birlh, 
a  perpetual  allegiance  to  any  dynasty  whatever. 
The  relation  of  rulers  and  ruled  exists  or/.y  by  con- 
tract. Society  results  from  the  constitution  of  hu- 
man nature.  It  is  the  will  of  God  that  order  should 
obtain  among  his  rations!  creatures :  but  every  man 
is  free  to  select  his  own  society,  and  make  choice  of 
the  power  to  which  he  will  submit  for  his  protection. 

• 

2.  There  is  no  obligation  from  the  social  compact 
upon  man  to  continue  in  allegiance  to  the  government 
mder  which  he  was  born. 


*  Acta  xvii.  26. 


;i:H1:  PRESENT  WAR. 


m 


That  ao  individual   may  bind   himself,  hy   ex- 
press stipulation,  to  certain  services,  in  a  given  place, 
either  for   a  specified  term  of  years,    or  for  life, 
is  not  denied;  but  such  stipulation  is  not  impfied 
in  the  social  compact.    A  nation,  it  is  true,  as  well 
as  any  other  body  politic,  may  give  pledges,  and 
contract  debts;   and   every   member  of  the   body 
is  bound  to  redeem  the  pledge,  and  discharge  tlie 
obligation,   in  its  true    spirit    and  design:  but  i^o 
man  is  bound  to  continue  a  member,  longer  than  (he 
nature  of  the    connexion  itself  requires.    There    is 
not  in  the  constitution  of  the  body  politic  any  such 
regulation,  as  requires  every  man  to  abide  in  the 
country  which  gave  him  birth.    It  is  not  necessary 
to  civil  society,  that  such  a  principle  should  be  re- 
cognized :  it  is  not  proper  that  it  should :  and  even  if 
the  government  should  succeed  in  introducing  it  ex- 
pressly into  the  constitution,  the  stipulation,  as  it 
would  be  immoral,  could  not   be  obligatory.    See- 
ing no  man  is  morally  bound  to  the  spot  in  whicfi 
he  was  born,  and  cannot  lawfully  be  circumscribed 
by  the  limits  of  a  prison,  however  extended^  unless 
by  transgression  he   has  forfeited  his  liberty,  it  is 
perfectly  preposterous  to  allege  that  a  government, 
formed  for  a  local  jurisdiction,  should  claim,  without 
his  consent,  the  right  of  sovereignty  over  him,  after 
having  passed  beyond  the  limits  of  its  authority. 

3.  Allegiance  and  protection  are  reciprocals  and 
protection  is  the  foundation  upon  which  the  claim  (^ 
allegiance  rests.  When  the  foundation  is  removed, 
the  edifice  falls  of  course. 

22 


%%Q 


THE   tJAUflES   OF 


I  readily  admit,  that  there  is  something  in  the 
itiea  of  native  country,  which  is  intimately  cofinected' 
tyith  the  doctrine  of  allegiance.  It  is  not,  howevelr, 
the  spot  of  e:iah,  u;.«  a  which  the  child  h  horn,  that 
connects  \mi  wiiu  ute  national  society ;  but  the  rela- 
tion of  the  child's  parents  to  that  society. 

,.  In  the  ordinary  concern^i  '^^  ''fe  there  is  no  need 
of  such  minute  distinctions ;  and  there  is  too  littW 
discrimination,  exercised  by  the  greater  part  of  men,, 
to  be  9ble  to  understand  it.  Even  statesmen  are  ^ 
not  always  wise ;  and  designing  men  find  it  their  in- 
terest to  keep  up  a  confusion  of  ideas  upon  im- 
portant subjects.  In  the  present  discussion,  never- 
iheless,  it  is  necessary,  that  I  distinctly  state  to  you^ 
the.  true  bond,  which  connects  the  child  with  the  body 
j^Utie,  It  is  not  the  inanimate  matter  of  a  piece  of 
iand^  but  the  moral  relations  bf  his  parentage.  Let 
axhild  be  born  within  the  walls  of  a  church,  this 
does  not  make  him  a  church  member;  but  if  ^the  pa- 
rent or  parents  be  in  connexion  with  the  church,  so 
is  the  offspring.  Visible  society,  as  it  is  provided 
for  in  the  constitution  of  human  nature^  naturally 
seeks  to  perpetuate  its  own  existence,  by  conferring 
upon  children  the  membership  of  their  parents. 
£ach  citizen  too  is  supposed  to  reserve  for  his  oflP 
spring  the  benefits  of  society.  The  Governor  of  the 
universe  approves  of  this  provision.  Thus  it  is,  that 
the  coiinti'y  of  the  father  is  that  of  the  child,  and  not 
because  he  happened  to  be  born  in  its  temtory. 
Residence  produces  an  attachment.  Education  che- 
rishes affection  for  the  scenes  of  early  life ;  but  only 


!rHB  PRF.SKNT  WAR. 


#1 


mm-ni  relations  lay  the  fmrdaiimi  Jb^  %(f1iltW%fi' 
^o-f.  It  is  the  enjoyment  of  the  privileged  of  socMi^ 
thai  lays  the  foundation  for  obedience  to  its  aiilHO" 
dty.  It  foll(»ws.,from  tiiis,  that  pr9teclion  oefW^  'the 
■end  of  civil  governmenl,  the  sovereign  has  no  oth^ 
claim  upon  the  allegiance  of  the  subject,  than  ^hat 
irises  from  the  protection  which  he  alFords.  As  is 
4he  protection  ivhich  I  ask  and  receive^  so  is  the  fealty 
which  I  owe.  If  1  ask  none,  I  am  under  no  alle^- 
,iince ;  If  I  receive  none,  I  have  nothing  to  retutn- 
It  is  the  very  essenc'e  of  despotism  to  claim  ^u- 
ihority  over  me  without  an  equivalent.*  '^ 


,-M. 


4.  All  Nations  recognize  the  Right  of  Expatriation. 


^ 


It  has  been  very  common,  among  the  several  na- 
tions  of  the  earth,  ^o  banish  from  their  territorlei 
Into  other  countries,  sonle  of  ll;ieir  citizens — Writeri 
on  public  law,  admit  the  right  of  emigration— lP*o- 
reigners  are  naturalized   b^  the  several  civilized 


*  "  By  tbelaw  or  nature  alone,  chiMren  roIlo;v  the  condition  of 
their  fathers,  atad  enter  into  all  their  rights.  1  Ae  place  of  lurtb 
proiluees  no  change  in  this  partieillar.— for  it  is  not  naturally  the 
place  r  birth  that  gives  rights,  hut  extraction.  Children  born  at 
sea — out  of  the  country — in  the  armies  of  the  Btate,-~in  theboiise  Of 
its  ministers  at  a  foreign  court,  are  Reputed  native  citisena*  Every 
mttn,  born  firee,  may  examine  whether  it  be  convenient  for  him  to 
join  in  the  society  for  which  he  was  destined  by  his  birth.  If 
he  finds  that  it  will  be  of  no  advantage  to  him  to  remain  in  it,  he 
%%  at  liberty  to  leave  it." 

Vattel,  Sec.  216—226. 


172 


THE   CAUSES  OF 


States ;  and  each  of  these  facts  implies  the  principle 
t(  expatriation. 

The  history  of  distinguished  men,  in  the  first  rar** 
oflife,  who  have  been  exiled  from  the  Grecian  states, 
from  the  Roman  republic,  from  France,  Germany, 
and  from  the  British  dominions,  would  fill  volumes 
of  instructive  comment  on  this  theme  of  discussion. 
We  have  very  resi)ectable  exiles  before  us,  in  this 
city,  who   are   living  witnesses   of  the  truth,  that 
Great  Britain,  notwithstanding  the  claims  of  per- 
petual allegiance  upon  the  part  of  her  statesmen, 
admits  the  dissolution  of  native  allegiance,  and  of 
course  contradicts  the  doctrine  of  its  perpetuity.    If 
nativiti/  simply  constitutes  allegiance,  it  must  b^  un- 
alterable ;  because  native  country  never  can  change  : 
a  man  is  born  but  once.    If  voluntary  contract  is  the 
basis  of  allegiance,  I  have  gained  my  point;  for,  in 
this  case,  the  one  party  is  free  to  relinquish  a  con- 
nexion in  the  nature  of  things  conditional,  as  well 
as  the  other.    When  the  connexion  is  dissolved, 
protection  and  allegiance  perish  together. 

I  give  you  the  law  of  nations  on  this  subject,  in 
the  words  of  Fattel  "The  term  country,  common- 
ly signifies  the  state  qf^  rvhich  one  is  a  member.  In  ^ 
more  confined  sense,  and  more  agreeable  to  its  ety- 
mology, this  term  signifies  the  state,  or  even  more 
particularly  the  town,  or  place  where  our  parents 
lived  at  the  moment  of  our  birth.  In  this  sense  it  is 
justly  said,  that  our  country  cannot  be  changed,  and 


THE   PRISINT  WAR. 


173 


alwuy^  remains  the  same,  to  whatsoever  place  we  i^ 
move  afterwards-But,  as  several  lawful  reasons  may 
oblige  a  man  to  choose  another  country,  that  i^,,  to 
become  a  member  of  another  society ;  so,  when  we 
speak  in  general  oi  the  duty  to  our  country,  we  ought 
to  understand  by  this  term,  the  state  of  which  a  man, 
w  an  actual  member  j  since  it  is  to  that  he  owes  it  en- 
tirely, and  in  preference  to  all  others."^ 
■$>.  .       ■ 

^^*  There  are  cases,  in  which  a  citizen  has  an  abso- 
lute tight  to  renounce  his  country,  and  abandon  it  en- 
tirely.  j.  If  the  citizen  cannot  procure  subsistence 
irt  his  own  country.  2.  If  the  body  of  the  society, 
or  he  who  represents  it,  absolutely  neglects  to  fulfil 
his  obligations  to  a  citizen.  3.  If  the  sovei^ign  would 
establish  laws,  to  which  ^he  pa^rof  Society  c^^ 
oblige  a  citizen  to  submit."t       ^ 

Of  the  ^AM  justifiable  cause  of  expatriation,  M. 
de  Vattel  gWes  three  instances— When  religious  li-. 
berty  IS  violated;  when  a  form  of  government  is  al^' 
tered  from  freedom  to  a  more  arbitrary  svstem ;  and 
when  a  nation  has  given  up,  by  submissiori  to  an*, 
tber.  Its  own  independence.  «  Those  who  quit  their 
country  from  a  lawful  reason,  are  called  emigrants;" 
and  of  *Uhe  right  of  emigration^  he  saya  in  the  next 
sentence,!  «  This  is  a  natural  rkiht,  which  is  cer- 


Book  I.  Chap.  11.  fBookI.Chap.l9. 

I  Sect.  225. 


174 


7HE    CAUSES  OF 


imnly  exempted  in  tke  pact  of  socktif'*  li  is,  by  the  Itm 
of  nations,  a  right  which  cannot  be  surrendered. 

proceeding  upon  this  principlci  all  nations  ha.t^ 
been  in  the  habits  of  naturalizing  foil^igners  resident 
amoi^  them.*  England  particularly,  as  if  deter- 
xpinedto  make  apparent  to  the  univeise  her  own  in- 
consistency, has  furnished  peculiar  facilities  for  nor 
turaiisifi^  seafarii^  men  of  all  nations.  The  short 
period  of  two  years  servirig  aboard  British  vessels ; 
iQsarriage  with  a  native  in  her  ports;  and  voluntary 
enlistment  aboard  her  men  of  war,  form  a  sufficient 
ground  for  claiming  theni  as  subjects.  Tlie  sove- 
reign of  Britain,  while  he  denounces  as  a  traitor, 
every  nalive  of  his  empire  found  in  arms  against 
bim,  forces  to  fight  against  his  own  country,  the 
native  of  whatever  nation;  and,  as  if  determined  to 
elaim,  what  is  most  unreasonable  and  tyrannical, 
within  the  compass  of  human  thought,  he  conipfelsto 
the  battle  in  the  Provinces  of  Upper  and  Low6r  Ca- 
nada, American  emigrants  naturalized,  even  since 
the  declaration  of  the;  present  war.  The  plain  lan- 
guage of  English  royal  proclamations,  illustrated  by 
the  practice  of  British  officers,  is,  "  &11  the  state* 
upon  earth  must  aUom  emigrations  to  Britain,  but 
must  prohibit  emigrations  from  Britain  to  them :  the 
natives  of  our  own  soil,  and  those  of  other  countries, 
whom  we  naturalize,  shall  be  our  slaves  for  ever ; 

*  "  A  nation  may  grant  to  a  stranger  the  quality  of  a  citizen,  by 
admitting  him  to  the  body  of  the  poiiticai  society.  This  is  called 
naturalizalion."    VOltel,  Sect,  214. 


■«^ 


THB  PRESENT  WAB. 


17^ 


l>ut  let  no  other  commonwealth  dare  to  protect  a  na- 
Inralized  foreigner  J** 


5t 


*  Notwithstanding  this  exclusHre  claim,  of  prohibiting  ea^igra- 
Hon,  ana  encsoMi^ging  natarafi^tioiii  as  siutsl)«r  own  co^T«n|eiice, 
Oreat  Britain  gjvea^  t«> Jie^  subjects,  those  reasons  which  require  tjbe 
exercke  of  the  natural  imd  unalienable  right  of  expatriatim*  She 
violates,  in  every  instance,  the  i»act  op  societt.  1 .  She  does  nol 
aiiibrdtb  iiidastry  and  'enterf)ris«,  shnilar  encotfraginijent  to  that 
Hiiicfa  is  giv6ii  io  America.  For  the  means  of  a  coorfortable  sub 
si9t«ice.  thbosai^tre  constrained  to  emigrate;  other'?^^«xpatrifttr 
tbewsetyifis,  to  improv?  a  condition  already  comfortable  j  and  » 
much  greater  number  would  follow  the  example/could  they  conl. 
mand  the  means  of  transportation  to  the  hospitable  shores  ofCofuin- 
bia. 

2.  TbP  British  13o?emment  does  not  fulfil  its  obligations  to  the 
citizens,  in  goyerning  them  by  equal,  Jaws.  T^ie  scale  upon  w*ic^ 
th?  representation  is  graduated,  prevents  freemen  from  giving  their 
suffrages  for  those  who  make  the  laws :  and  they  have  of  course,  a 
right  to  remove  to  a  country,  itt  which  society  is  organized  ftpon 
more  liberal  principles. 

*.3.  Religion  is  violated,  uftd  pious  men  are  placed  under  potttiea! 
disqualification,  and  forced  to  support  a  system  of  faith  anfl  worship, 
to  which  they  cannot^  as  honest  and  good  men,  give  their  assent. 
To  the  corrupt  cstabliehment  they  are  compelled  to  give  tiu  tiUus 
cfaH. 

A  very  large  proportion  of  the  population,  and  the  most  religious 
part  of  it  too,  in  England  and  in  Sjcotlaad,  is  among  the  dissenters 
fpom  the  national  system  of  worship;  and  in  Ireland,  there  is  not 
probably  one  out  often  who  belongs  to  the  established  church. 
.  ^  We  have  heard  in  this  country,  of  the  claims  of  Irish  Catholics 
mr  erriancipation ;  but  the  reason  of  rejecting  their  claim  is  not  ge- 
nerally known.  It  is  not  from  any  dislike  that  the  high  church- 
men have  to  the  Roman  religion ;  but  from  their  hatred  and  fear  of 
the  Protestant  dissenters.  The  watchmen  of  the  political  religion 
of  England,  now  stand  with  the  Sacramental  Test  in  their  hand,  to 
guard  the  passage  to  power.  The  Independents,  the  Baptists,  the 
Methodists,  the  Presbyteriaus,  the  whole  body  of  Protestant  ^s^ 


f 


176 


^UR   (CAUSES    OF 


5  The  Might  of  Ejopatriation  appears  from  the 
tibsurdity  of  the  doctrine  of  perpetval  fealty  to  the 
place  of  nativity. 

In  the  decision  of  this  question,  every  man  of 
piety  has  aa  interest.  However  few  the  men  who 
reason,  in  order  that  they  may  understand  j  ^nd  exa- 
mine  moral  subjects,  in  order  that  they  may  disch^rg« 
their  duty,  there  are  still  some,  1  trust,  who  would 
rather  suffer  on  the  spot  which  gave  them  birth,  than 
leave  it  for  ever,  if  by  so  doing  they  must  violate  the 
laws  of  morality,  and  sin  against  their  God. 

Upon  the  principle  which  I  am  opposing,  sad,  sad 
indeed,  would  be  the  condition  of  man.     The  child 
is  pinned  down  in  the  place  of  his  nativity  as  in 
a,  prison ;  and,  unto  its  local  authorities  he  is  for  ever 
in  thraldom.    The  African  and  the  Hindoo  dare  not 
leave  his  country  for  another.     The  Frenchman  and 
the    Spaniard  must  never  throw  off  allegiance  to 
Jbopis  and  to   Ferdinand.    To  the  Prince  Regent 
of  England,  the  emigrant  must  continue  in  subjec- 
tion, although  he,  in  an  unhappy  hour,  has  perjured 
himself,  in  disclaiming  his  authority,  and  becoming 
a  naturalized  citizen  of  this  republic.     And  by  the 
same  rule,  of  obligation  to  the  place  of  birth,  the 
authorities  of  Connecticut  extend  to  many  citizens 
of  New- York ;  the  local  jurisdiction  of  every  corpo' 

senters,  are  tlie  objects  of  opposition.  \he  late  bishop  of  London, 
Randolph,  avowed  his  enmity ;  and  threatened  to  suppress,  all  dissen^ 
ten  from  the  establishment,  in  his  own  diocese. 

''      Is  not  this  a  reason  for  fXP.roAfnner  tho  ritrht  nf  avnat.Satln..  <>    . 


THE  FIMISlNT*T«aiR. 


ill 


tktion  of  a  city  or  a  village  perpetually  binds  every 
one  born  within  their  respective  limits.    According 
to  this  morality,  my  hearers,  you  are  guilty  of  trans- 
gression, for  having  left  the  township  in  which  you 
idrew  the  first  breath;  and  in  order  to  avoid  further 
guilt,  3^u  must  return  whence  you  came,  and  leave  be- 
hind you  the  wishes  and  the  children  you  have  gotten 
in  this  city ;  for  here  they  must  remain  until  they  re- 
tire to  the  tomb.    You  must,  instead  of  encouraging 
a  free  and  honourable  intercourse  among  men  of  all 
liations  and  kingdoms,  in  order  to  make  them  live 
as  one  great  rational  family   of   the  same   blood; 
instead  of  encouraging  a  rivalship  in   equity  and 
honour  among  the  naUon^,  and  a  spirit  jf  personal 
frcsdpm   and  generous  feeling   among  the  natives 
of  every   clime  and   kindi-ed— instead  of  this,  you 
must  require  that  man  be  chained  to  his  birth-place; 
that  sullenness,  and  non-intercourse,  and  jealousy, 
and    hatred,    be    cherished ;    and  that  society   be 
cut  up  into  minute  sections,  With  feelings  and  with 
views  graduated  upon  the  puny  scale  of  counties 
and  of  townships.    Then  will  Aristocracy  peipetuate 
her  dominion,  and  Despotism  horribly  smile  from 
kei'  bloody  but  triumphant  car. 


The  absurdity  of  this  doctrine  is  so  obvious  to 
the  christian,  that  I  am  astonished  to  find  among  the 
professed  followers  of  my  Redeemer  any  of  its  ad- 
vocates. The  man  who  inculcates  perpetual  alle- 
giance to  the  place  of  birth,  assuredly  calculates 
largely  upon  the  amount  of  human  ignorance  and 
ioiiy ;  he  ventures  far  upon  the  slavish  feelings  otlm 

23 


m 


tfti   CAUBUft  (^ 


inNi^}sa^i  bul  Irti  does  little  credit  to  his  own 
(Hacerninent  or  benevolence*  1  cannot  but  infer, 
tltet  God  has  bestowed  a  scanty  supply  of  brains 
upon  th«  man  that  denies  the  right  of  expat riation^^ 
unless  indeed  by  a  course  of  uncommon  depravity^ 
he  hag  himself  destroyed  the  finer  fibres  of  the  heart. 
Par  diflerent  from  his,  is  the  morality  of  the  cbri« 
tian  i-eligion.      '       i 

GyWith  the  scriptural  argument,  I  close  r.iy  de- 
fence of  a  man* s  right  to  choose  his  country.  ^ 

The  scriptures  inform  us,  that  God  gaye  the  earth 
td  the  children  of  -  men.  It  was  his  will  and  com- 
mand, that  it  should  be  peopled  from  one  pair. 
Gi)d  said  unto  Ihem,  befruitfid,  and  multiply:  and  re- 
ptenish  ike  earth,^  But  this  order  could  not  be  exe- 
ctfted,  Unless  the  children  should  emigrate  from  the 
place  of  their  nativity,  settle  in  other  countries,  and 
"form  new  societies.  There  is,  moreover,  no  provi- 
iSion  made  in  the  scriptures*  for  keeping  the  colonies 
In  perpetual  subjection  to  the  parent  state.  This 
V  luld  nftake  the  whole  world  svbject  to  one  unwiel- 
dy despotism.  Upon  the  contrary,  we  are  assured, 
that  when  religion  prevails  over  all  the  earth,  there 
flhall  still  be  distinct  nalionSy  which  Sai,, .  shall  deceive 
ji(^wiore;t  there  shall  still  be  distinct  kingdoms— 
even  the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  that  shall  become 
the  kingdoms  of  (mr  Lord  and  his  Christ.  In  confor- 
mity to  this  principle,  the  Governor  of  tlie  universe. 


'  Oen.  i.  2«. 


+  Re?.  Kx.  S. 


THfi  PRESENT   WAR. 


iff 


at  an  early  a^e,  when'  raen  formed  the  plan  of  nd- 
hering  together  in  one  great  and  corrupt  society, 
performed  a  miracle  to  prevent  the  evU ;  and,  mth€ 
Jjord  scattered  them  abroad  from  thence,  upon  >  the 
face  of  all  ihe  earth.*  Instead  of  permitting  the- so- 
vereign of  every  conntry,  to  deceive  the  siibject 
with  claims  of  perpetual  allegiance,  God  command- 
ed Abram  to  expatriate  himself.  The  father  of,  tfee 
faithful  obeyed,  and  left  his  native  country.  In 
vain  would  the  kings  of  tlie  Canaanit^s  claim,  a^ 
bound  to  serve  thfem,  the  descendants  >  of  Abram, 
born  in  their  territt'^ies.  Ja^ob  removed  with  his 
family  to  Egypt ;  and  even  there,  notwithstanding 
the  power  of  the  monarchy,  they  claimed  the  r^ght 
of  being  considered  as  a  distinct  people,  and  of  emi- 
grating at  their  pleasuic  from  the  land  of  bondage. 
The  proclamations  of  the  Prince  of  Britain  would 
have  passed  for  morality  at  the  court  of  Pharaoh  j 
but  Moses,  without  fearing  the  wraUi  of  the  king, 
said  unto  him,  Lei  m^  people  go.'\  The  tyrant  ^ulti 
mately  suffered  the  punishment  of  his  crimes,  whoa 
he  attempted  t^  reclaim,  as  native  subjects,  the  Js- 
raelitish  emigrants.  Pharaoh,  and  his  host,  his  cho- 
sen captains  alsc;  were  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea, 

Moses  did  not  offend  the  laws  of  morality,  al- 
though m  viij^'spile  of  native  allegiance,  he  invited  Mo- 
hah  to  i^Jip^triate  himself  from  Midian,  and  accept 
of  naturalization  in  the  commonwealth  of  Israel. 
Come  thon  with  us,  and  we  will  do  thee  good — Lea^e  ut 


Gen.  xj.  8. 


iExod.  V.  1,  &c. 


im 


'ttm  CATj'sm  or 


naty  1  pray  thee— and  it  shall  ht,  if  thfmgofvitk  tif, 
that  what  goodness  the  Lord  shall  do  unt^MSfthe  same 
win  we  do  unto  thee.* 

1- will  ndt  pursue  this  discussion  further.  I  trust  1 
hare  already  sufficiently  vindicated  the  principle 
upon  which,  I  myself,  in  connmoii  With  many  of  my 
hearers,  and  of  my  feliow-citizens  in  New- York, 
have  acted.  The  principle  upon  which,  the  mlnii^ 
ters  ef  ireligioD  miPist,  in  iriany  instances  act,  in  con- 
formlty  to  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  the  kings 
ot  the  earth,  Go  yt  inio  all'  nations-^preach  the 
go^pH  to  every  creature  ;  and  Id,  I  am  with  you,  even 
unio  the  end  i»J  the  world-^iHE  principle  op  i^cpa- 

TRIATION. 

There  are,  I  feel  and  acknowledge,  many  tender 
ties  to  bind  us  to  our  native  country.  We  cherish, 
iff  fond  recollection,  the  scenes  and  the  partners  of 
our  youthful  days.  We  revere  the  land  of  our  fa- 
thers, and  the  place  of  their  sepulchres.  We  look 
back  on  the  friends  that  we  have  left  behind :  we  de- 
sire their  welfare  :  we  cultivate  their  correspon- 
dence ;  and  we  are  not  ashamet  o  call  them  bre- 
thren. If  we  have  left  the  national  society,  and  have 
thrown  oif  allegiance  to  their  rulers,  we  count  it  no 
dishonour  to  have  been  born  in  a  territory,  where 
arts,  and  science,  and  literature,  and  heroism,  and 
patriotism,  abound.  Even  now,  i  can  gladly  trans- 
port myself  on  fancy's  wings  to  my  native  hills.     1 


iNumo.  X.  ay — n^. 


THE  PRESWNT^  Tf  AR. 


im 


would  still  listen  to  the  .music  of  the  Itukr  4o •  ihm 
bleftting  of  the  flocks,  and  to  the  reaper's  song;;  and 
1  would  close  the  day,  in  the  bosom  of  a  peacselM 
family,  with  a  solemn  hymn  of  thanksgiving  to  the 
Lord.  I  would  still  gaze  on  the  lofty  rocky  wkeie 
the  eagle  builds  her  nest ;  admire  at'  a  distance,  ^e 
cleud-eapt  cliffs  of  Benmore,  and  count  tl%  foaming 
billows  of  the  Atlantic,  rolling  among  the  basaltk 
pillars  of  Staffa,  along  the  classic  shores  of  lanaj* 
to  the  bold  promonlories  at  the  mouth  oiJjo^levan. 
I  bless  my  natire  country,  and  take  pride  in^  aU  tie 
excellency  of  her  sons.  Others  too,  feel  towaitls 
their  native  place,  as  I  do.  But  yetj  my  bretlfti^h^ 
on  a  question  of  morality,  truth  must  decide.  Coti^ 
science,  and  not  fancy,  must  make  the  application 
of  God's  law. 

I  have  frequently  felt  surprise,  at  the  inHuenfe  of 
national  feelings  over  the  moral  prmciptes*  of  men  of 
talentfr  and  of  virtue.  Some  men  of  that  descariptioB; 
men  too,  of  quick  sensibility,  of  high  and  honoura"' 
ble  feelings,  have  been  seen  listening  to  difcussion&i 
which,  in  denying  the  right  of  transferring  nllegiance; 
charged  themselves  with  perjury.  For,  if  fealty  be 
unalterable,  the  oath  of  naturalization  is  a  falsehood. 
There  is  one  remarkable  part  of  the  character  of 
the  sons  of  Britain,  which  is  worthy  of  imitation  Irf 
the  childien  of  Columbia^  It  is  their  attachment  to 
country.  It  is  often  extravagant  in  the  former,  and 
it  is  misplaced  when  directed  to  the  society  which 


*  Icain^iU. 


ilJ2 


'THE  CAUtiES  Ol^ 


they  have  left,  more  than  to  that  of  which  they  liave 
become  members ;  and  especially,  when  it  embraces 
the  guilty  crown  of  the  kingdom:  but  it  is  in  itself 
an  honourable  principle:  alas!  it  is  too  feeble,  in 
the  hearts  of  those  American  citizens,  who  admire 
the  moral  order  and  politii^al  machinery  of  Great 
Britmn,  more  than  they  seek  to  preserve  the  integrity 
of  their  own  republican  institutions. 


I  have  not  made  these  remarks  on  misplaced  attach- 
ment to  country,  with  a  view  to  apply  them  to  those 
emigrants  from  the  dominions  of  the  British  king,  who 
belong  to  this  congregation.  No.  To  you,  my  brethren, 
they  are  not  applicable.  In  cotnmon  with  t  ho^e  chris- 
tians in  your  native  counti-y,  and  in  this,  the  country 
of  your  choice,  who  are  bound  with  you  in  the  same 
faith,  and  in  the  same  covenant,  you  ettibrace,  as  a  part 
bfyoi- a'  Christian  doctrine,  the  priniciple  of  expatria- 
tion. You  disclaim,  by  ihe  solemnities  of  religion, 
allegiance  to  the  corrupt,  political,  and  ecclesiastical 
system  of  British  misrule.  That  rvas  your  country. 
It  is  so  no  rnore.  To  our  brethren ;  yea,  to  every 
man  in  that  empire,  we  wish  health,  and  happiness, 
arid  eternal  life.  But  this  country,  although  we  see 
s^nd  lament  the  evils  which  appeiiain  to  its  inhabit^ 
imts  and  to  its  government,  this  country,  is  now  be- 
come our  own.  Here  we  have  voluntarily  settled. 
Here  we  have  married  our  wives.  Here  we  have 
oiir  homes.  Here  we  have  our  children  placed  as 
olive-plunts  around  our  table;  and  here  we  expect  to 
leave  our  Jlesh  to  rest  in  hope,  when  the  last  breath 


THK   PBJESdlVT  WAR. 


1^ 


turn  to  God.  To  this  couotpy,  during  the  present 
struggle  to  maintain  the  rights  of  expatriation,  Xq 
preserve  the  rights  of  the  stranger,  who  expects  not 
in  vain  to  find  hospitality — Xo  this  country,  we  wifh. 
success  in  the  present  contest.  We  pray  for  a  hap? 
py  termination  of  the  strife,  and  for  a  speedy  resto- 
ration of  the  blessings  of  peace,  tliut  in  ike  pea^ 
thereof  we  may  have  peace, 

Haying  thus  vindicated  the  most  doubtful  paft  of 
the  cause  of  America  in  the  present  .war,  and  giveii 
evidence  of  its  justness,  I  go  on, 

II.  To  show  the  Principles  upon  which  .the  War. 
may  he  lawfully  prosecuted.  ,,     ?,  .,^^., 

-  Besides  the  question  of  right  to  make  war  upoa 
an  offending  nation,  there  are  many  consideration* 
tQ  be  taken  into  the  account  of  its  moral  character* 
Qoverpments,  as  well  as  individuals,  have  not  unfire^ 
quently  displayed  pride,  indiscretion,  and  malev4]^ 
knee,  in  contending  for  their  unquestionable  rights^; 
and  have  thereby  given  a  character  of  inexpediency 
and  criminality  to  a  contest  which  might  have  been 
conducted  by  better  men  upon  moral  principles. 
Nor  is  the  fact  to  be  concealed,  that  the  virtuouf 
part  of  a  community  are  justified  in  the  sight  of  God 
and  their  country,  in  keeping  aloof  from  a  contest, 
however  good  the  cause,  if  moral  evil  be  made  esr 
sential  to  the  mode  of  carrying  it  on.  We  must  not 
do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  it.  If  the  terms, 
UDon  which  admission  into  the  army,  like  the  British 


tLm*i-,.,^^,m-:^^ 


^?P^^ 


m 


THt  CAUSS0  -'W 


jftd^ramental  Ust*  be  absolutely  siiifu),  it  becomei| 
a  diity,  even  when  the  cause  of  war  is  just,  to  r^etit 
tbo  terms,  and  of  course  to  withhold  a  support  wbi(;b 
cannot  otherwise  be  afforde<1. 


H^ 


It  is  evidently,  therefore,  both  the  duty  aud 
the  interest  of  those  who  are  placed  at  the  head  of  a 
nation,  to  tak«i  order,  that  the  wars.,  which,  by  the  in- 
justice of  others,  they  are  comp<}lled  to  wage,  he 
prosecuted  upon  equitable  principles.  If  it  should 
be  the  lot  of  a  conscientious  man  to  livfin  a  belliger 
rent  state,  which  wages  a  war,  just  in  its  causes,  but 
iniquitous  in  the  mode  by  which  it  jis  conducted,  he 
b^s  only,  when  the  evil  is  beyond  his  remedy,  to 
withhold  his  personal  agency,  and  to  pray  that  the 
came  may,  notwithstanding  the  sins  of  men,  be  pros- 
pered by  the  Lord.  No  iniquity  of  the  instrument 
can  justify  the  dereliction  of  a  good  cause.  Those, 
of  course,  cannot  be  esteemed  as  virtuous  members 
of  any  community,  who,  under  the  pto  of  improvi- 
dence, of  weakness,  or  ipismanag^mept,  upon  the  psm^t 
of  rulers,  not  only  strive  to  prevent  the  success  of  ^ 
lawful  war,  but  also,  wit^  design  to  increase  the  na- 
tional embarrassment,  deny  the  justness  of  the  con- 
test. With  this  distinction,  obvious  to  every  iwa%| 
shield,  from  the  charge  of  insincerity,  those  conscien- 
tious men  who  may  disapprove,  of  the  present  ad- 
i»inistration  and  the  conduct  of  the  „  war,  while  J 
make  no  apology  for  him,  who,  devoid  of  patriotism 
and  virtue,  calls  in  question  the  legitimacy  of  the 


See  page  7).  - 


THE  PRESENT  WAB. 


cottfest  as  it  now  exists,  and  recommends  ^ubmissidli 
to  the  enemy — I  make  no  apolo^  for  him,  who 
strives  fo  prevent  the  success  of  his  country  in  the 
present  strife  1  leave  him  to  the  comfoiis  of' his 
own  reflections,  knowing,  as  I  do,  that  whatever  may 
be  his  motives,  thoy  cannot  command  the  ap^iroba- 
tion  of '  ■  s  country,  of  his  colemporaries  in  other  lands, 
of  postui  Ky,  of  his  conscience,  or  of  his  God  With 
mm,  therefore,  I  do  not  stoop  to  argue  the  question. 
To  others  I  say,  let  us  examine.  Upon  moral  prindp- 
pies,  the  mode  of  prosecuting  the  present  war. 


n '  k 


I  am  not  the  eulogist  of  men  in  power;  neither 
rfb  I  give  flattering  titles  to  man:  1  love  the  country 
of  my  choice,  and  I  pray  to  God  for  the  prospi^rity 
and  success  of  its  arms.  I  lament  whatever  of  inde- 
cision, and  imbecility,  and  improvidence,  and  riiiis- 
management,  hais  appeared  in  the  halls  of  legiidlation,^ 
in  the  executive  councils,  in  the  leaders  of  our  iafiiies. 
I  could  fervently  wish,  and  devoutly  pray,  for  more 
firmness,  and  wisdom,  and  action,  and  for  more  ex- 
tensive resources  in  men  and  in  money  for  the  safety 
of  the  nation.  But  1  would  not  dispute,  and  embar- 
rass, and  threaten,  for  the  purpose  of  producing  an  ef^ 
feet,  for  which  I  should  afterwards  blame  those  who 
were  irresolute  enough  to  listen  to  my  opposition.  I 
would  not  strive  to  bring  about  an  evil  for  the  sake  of 
fpondemning  it,  and  injuring  the  country.  1  would  not 
tempt  to  sin,  for  the  sake  oi  trixtrnphing  iyverthef^m. 


I  submit  to  your  consideration  the  three  follow- 


-45    1" 


24 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


La|2.8    |25 

US  ■■■ 

■^  Ui2   12.2 

£   hS.    12.0 


1.8 


j 

||l.25   ||U      1.6 

1^ 

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► 

^ 


V. 


7] 


^  > 


'/ 


Sciences 
CorporUoii 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTEP.N.Y.  M980 

(7«&)  872-4503 


'^>A  ^ 


%"^"a'«^ 


¥^;^ 


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4. 


f  ^'H'W '  PP!U*'^  ^.W^'P^IW'^W^ 


THM  fmmuma  vm»,:^micB 


^:i 


m^h,  i$  the  pf'epm^^^  ^  ^Uack^^f^kmigei 


'';   ? 


■fi.  '^W 


^  ^^"^l  DOW  explain  these  j^fiQflples,;  ,9nd  appl^ 
t4>^  iKu>de  in  w^lciithU  w^r  13  conducted. 

;  1^  J^  it  siate  ^  Jl^ttr^  ru^  ^ust  consider  each  CQmr 
13^^mtg  as  om  Bodj/ 


jf-V-  >-   5^',- ■     •  ''■*».-i'3|- 


However  ^xtenske  ^p  empire,  however  jiume- 
^^<ps  its  colojoies  a|]4  dependencies,  org^nieed  inter 
OB^  spciety^  andst|lue<jt)j^  the  e^wie^vercigiipow^ 
when  that,  sovereign  has  Mnder|taken  w^r,  tjie  w^ioj^ 
empire  is  caljled.uppn  to  l?ear  a  pa^in  its  ptoseq^- 
tipp,  and  the  otjher  party  in  the  contest,  ^^s  a^rigb^ 
Ijf^^ongider  it  as  oqe  body.  In  a  jiist  lyar,  th^ 
l^af^pf  aWa|<*  is  a  question  of  expediency ;  and  thf 
most  vuln^^l^le  point  presents  itself  as  th^.  mo«t  eji- 
igible.*  The  skill  of  the  general  in  battle  is  dig- 
^ayed,  ip^ranginghia  forces,  aqdin  selecting  jthe 
B^int  9f  attack,  so  as  with  the  le^t  ex(^rtion  and 
^»1^F*«>  da  the  greatest  possible  ipjury  to  the  hos- 
tile battalions.  If  he  besieges  a  city,  he  will  selept 
^e.#iost  vulnerable  spot,  and  there  strike  the  blow. 
|t  1^  V5?x>rse  than  trjfling  to  allege,  that  tJiis  is  pusill^- 
S?W*?s^>'imnapral*  The  sole  obiect  of  ajust  war  is 
to  make  the  enemy  feel  the  evils  of  his  own  iiyusr 
tice,  and  by  his  sufferings  dispose  him  to  amend  his^ 
ways.  He  must  therefore  be  attacked  upon  the  most 
accessible  x|uarter. 

^  Bee  pages  ]26,  and  132. 


If'- 


iil^^f^'Mi  'iiil#R|p  of Vpvlpg  ilfefi^v ■'■  The  mf- 
pslins^tMM^  c^'ibe^^^^  no  ^id^iir  ol^ic^li 

upon  tbk'^eufaject.    Great  Britain,  »^arate<l  fi^m  us 

the  ^ifed  Stales  €ani^aeh^er;e3[e^pfth#f  tt^ouies 
and  her  shipping.  Tto&  Canadas  and  her  cd^merce 
#§jytthepn>^c^lct3%f^acte  OA  boAtlfese 
points  she  feels ;  and  you  may  jildfe<#  of  her  ^i^gs 
firdm  the  fact,  that  tbose  vilro  feel  with  her,  and  for 
fi^r;  dtm6tig dtii^li^es,'  feel  ihost  Upon  thes^  vcii^^b- 
j^etsi '  llfeit*fleetk  arid  her  artni^,  thd^  ijo^i^t^iil^B 
^imtfpm^  to  Miers,  ai^  oif  n6  use  Ndt  the  pb- 
ttoidn  df  hercototties  and  coirthiferce.  By  attiidl- 
fii^  ttrid  conqueriftg  them,  the  citizen!  of  ^iraiCJi 
iato)^  iCifilire^imd  liaVe  acquired,  rend^ii  •  but  it  is/^ 
tapUiitog  that  which  they  pfbtecJt,  and  for  wy<4 
alone  they  are'  supported,  that  the  enemy  can  bfe 
fet«>ught  to  fecfl,  to  reason,  and  do  justice;  ' 

Upper  Canada,   particularly,   iJresented  io  ^ 

tFiiited' States  the  mclst  eligible  theatre  for  the  c^ 

^feat.  V^ilt  Was  thte  most  accessible  part  of  the  eiSelipiy'd 

^liitoifjr,^— ^e  possession  of  it  would  prove  tfie  dis- 

fence  of  anfextended  frontier  frorri  the  ravages Wt^ 

l^tfbdircmi  l|lKi5airbai^nty^'^^6»Mitm1|ht  b^ 

is  iiri  equivalent  uiitil,  for  the  sake  of  its^restptyti^^ 

the  erteiiiy  wotild  be  constrained ;  to  do '  ju^tt^. 

^ese  considerations  put  the;>o/tVy  of  attfckiftg  /t 

%efolillii^m^svmrAM  6f  ft  ii^es^ily 

iDillows  from  the  justness  of  the  war  iteelf.-  IJd^i^^ 

4oubt  this  ?  Show  me  wherefore,  and  I  wiU  answer 


fmw^^^f^^Wfmmmmfi^^ 


mm: 


f^^ 


f(m.^M%y&m  afgiHiieiitf  iii  m^)  n&A^  j^^td^j^  js 
lit  hand.  «The  infaabilants  of  Gaoada  have  coiiir 
inleted  tk>  €ibtiee.-  Is  tbfi^^0t»  ttigioi^Bft?  Who 
tlMW  his  ofi^i^d  f  '0Ri»6flMiet^>  tlw  Saflor  ?  If «u 
Hl^  MiDisteri  Ibe  Hegeilt^  Wlbyou  llien  despatch 
ftmelamg^  of  lift^rato  ire^^^a^e  Itt  tfssnisitele  th« 
o<inidiiig:i^i«^n,  rath6«' timn  al^^fa^ 
aM  hb  cokmie^'  and  hk  tr^s^  and  his  ships  of 
wat  1  ^ut  ym  are  ^  tiiisiatisiti/  >I7fae  Canadiam  hani 
ofllidied^  iTbey  hare  made^ir^ia»nmofi  citus^ ?  with 
thiir  sovot^ign.  In  Mmmko  ihepteimis  ^tem  ilu^ 
hk»i»ffkitded.  Let  tbdai'peacefuU^F  dii^itigifish  thetli^ : 
li|llii^#4»itt  bini,  and  remain  as  non^irMii^itlftfil^  ill  the' 
posie^idonr  and  iisa  Of  their  prop«lty**-«atid  these,  i^ 
noi^eiiti^  shall  theti  he  iinmolestedi  It  #  &ot  agaifttt 
the  tiholfelidiiig  Cairadit^s,  it  is  agalM^  the  hii^* 
tiroops,  aiM^  the  kilig*B  fleets  end  ii^unst  ithe  UtigM^ 
territories,  that  the  United  States  wage  this  war  on 
thi  wiiitel«  afid  ^  shores  of  Erie,  Ghampkin,  atid 
Ontario.  And  5^011,  tooj  I  fift^>ecty  frocii^  the  nature 
of  your  remark,  do  not  so  much  dispute  the  hgiU' 
iiiiaicy  of  *his  part  of  the  war,  as  you  dislike  the  whole 
citfie.  Sympathy  with  the  Ganadians  has  fi^^fuei^y 
bi^  aiifecited  as  a  beneyolent  method  Of  ainili^ 
a'^cte-hbw  at  the  administration  of  the  govemt^ii^ 
This  ttiay  he<€onindered  as  good  poHey ;  huiit  paiv 
tik^d  ttot^f  the  eandour  of  reHgiOfi.  Tlsa  fiatish 
eAq^^^e  the  huinan  body,  has  many  Boeiiribersi  ai^' 
attHi&lnembers'beiiig  many>  are  one  body.  In  H  state 
of  i^ar,  an  attack  upon  any  member  is  lawful.  lo  a 
moral  point  of  Tiew,  it  makes  ik>  difference  whether 
the:  blow  falls  upon  the  capitol  or  the  colony.  Th6t 
wfaeie  nation  is  one  bodvi 


jm:  wjm  ni-^msmmim^ 


m^,  ne'NtOim  rnkfitt^Hfr^pfr' 


ir»»|:f-: 


''hi 


\t. 


vHamsnitj  prescribes  law»  for  j^Uigemnt  C€»ipfiMi)f 
nitipsii.  Tlie :c«ik  of  .^liiriirfi  liecessariljr^i^eat;  «ild; 
tH&^r  0iq;hi!|idt  to  bef^tiirr^e'caessarily  ioci«as^  BeI* 
vttle  p^nom  and  property^  whose  injuiy  cam^i  ai^ 
§mi  Iki6  mjskriyrevByy  should  reinsi*  wimolesleiw 
\MMi'  monumeittg  of  tli6«fiiie  2»t8  ape  respected  ti|F 
c^tiy«M]  natioiis;  aiid  sione^  but  barbarians  aw ill  dft«»^ 
sign^di^p  ilestrof  elegant  edifices  or  libraries. ;  Tits 
I^Uder^  bttmlets  and>«Ulai|i8,  the  conftigratioB  o^ 
pidyati  idiVieMfngs  aikii  barm^  can  have  no  other  effect 
thill  «Atil^i)^iiig  tpi^vate  !iniser3r^  and  producing 
fl^i'm  digkies  of  «xasp«rati«(n ;  for  the  rule^  of  to« 
iiliaik$^  lii>a  lieelssarj  watv  m  to  ihfliot  no  injury  ex»t 
cirpt  ^bal^#ttl  Bifect  the  natk>ii*as^  a  body  pcditie, 
and^^^^bierfeihe  proper  l^ftd  of  warfere*.       W"   : 

^^  S^v^ral  dianges  ^fkvours^  to  humanity,  on 
thi^'lllodd  <^  €Ondtitilii%*^waiv  have  already  o^ 
ti^ied^;  mud  suehmight  U  bt  tasimded, 

'^"to  hij^y'lionoifriit^to  Ihie  govemm^B^of  IMi 
KgMtlc,  Ih^i  a  profit  has^bee^k  made  to  the  'enen^ 
tfP'^m^'Wtl^i^l^^^^^ei^'^^iice'  ^  coiiftneiic^iiliiil  1^ 
hlistilityi^  ilpoii  aohdl^  ^at  he  shoutd"  < 
bf  ^a*  8fi#i^  laiidy  #mil1fae.^i^icefi  which^ 
fii^  %il  ^Bifi|P6iA  tO'^d  >i(#0i^;'  eaid^tiial  a 
half  ieeii  ibaie^  tpon  ternili  ol  redprdciiy»  for 
'mg4o  injiifed  individuals  the  losses  which  nagbibj^' 
thetti  be  incurred  during  ihe  continuance  of  the  €Oiif 
tcBt.    It  h  equally  diehoiiouFabli^  on  the  part  of  thi^ 


iiuipisjfjypw,,;  wiyiy#ip|!i|||ipiiipp 


tit 


T|f?  fMHCIfliM  ^POir  imiGH 


E<  '*■ 


%: 


»f  course  deseencbi  the  guilt  oCevery  injury. 

A.C6ordii^  to  modern  usage  in  chfisti&n  nftiitii^ 
luthorioed  individuals  are  dot  permitted  with  iiil» 

unity  to  ikll  upon  an  eioemy.    Secret  meai»  of^  ati^ 
«,  such  as<  poi^oft  ^aid  ii9sas9inatidtt,'^re'tdi# 

ifded.  The  •  per^sdns  of  those  who  cN>  not*  cttriy 
ins^and  ti4(bti oi  n»tain«rs  toiiii'amiy,  ifn^iuis!^ 
fy4»  FrisoBer^are*not  enslaveid,^  but  treatMwfthr^- 
9|^ct.  Offieeni  are  dismisisedon^thelf^  parole.  Pre* 
datory  excursions,  and  pHlage  of  every  Ickid,  cife  dii^ 
emi^enancedr  and  the  h^rpord  «f  war  Htc^diti^ 
fl^tigated'^  This  .  eform  has  beeh  ei^«t6d  ptim^ 
paiJy  tha-ougb  ?th6  Idftutelfaee'  of  the  chHstiart  0X^<Hii 
a  religioa  distinguiib^  J)y/  its  harmony  r^h'tft^ 
ihost^^Kuavet  j^neip^s  of^attoilaFfi^ii^  Ii^oiigh#l6 
be  extended  in  its  benign  influence  to  other  prac- 
^oe8».8<itt  admitted  by  the  Islwt^f  nations;  bu«  hi|hlly 
injurious  to  m<M«lityi  It  ought^d  b«  ett*iri^ed!ittj 
the  pr^cticfe^f  privftte^Mn^  aSld  to  that  whicli  gn^| 
^^n^to  privateering  ^|bepr9€ti|i(^^^ 
^^fi^ipm^^  ^liy^^M  :up6«fc4he  o0eani!%  jM^ 

9km  mmf  eogent#€ii^[^  t)r  bluing;  t^^ 

pliv^te  ;pi;oper^ 

mm  oi  the  frMit&  of  their  in4|lstry^^^fi>rit  ^llMi 


"*  J^  09  this  w!i)s$^'Waej^i: Iforteai,  Ytttel^  i^iiiMdiiy 


tHB  yfrjiM  IS?  rcMiBtJvTsiift 


n$ 


tkibftt  tio  eqUlYftlent  fi^  their  property.  II  drarislKi 
a[1^arice,  already  sulfidentlyetinnjlated  by  eoitinier* 
clal  cujMdity.  It  entirely  destroys  much  property, 
li^ttiout  advantage  4a  any  ^one^  It  endangerr  lind 
siicrifices  many  valuable  lives.  It  retards  the  pro- 
gress of  civilisation*  It  increases  tlie  burden  aitd 
e3||)eD4iture  oC  nations,  by  giving  occasion  for  fleets 
of  armed  vessels,  for  defefijc^  and  pillage.  It  Isviii 
t|fi&  present  condition  of  the  world,  the  prancipal 
source  of  dispute  and  strife,  of  national  quarrels^  and 
ofi'publicv  wars.  Therefore  is  it  devoiltly  to  be 
wlsl^j  ^«^t  pious  men,  in  every  country,  should^ 
with  on^^nsi^,  setvth«^k  faces  against  so  great  an 
iSvK  ;y  and  su|i|iort,.  with  every  exertion  in  their  po#" 
er^jthps^  able  civilians  among  |he  nations^  who  are 
ien^earfiffhig,  on  this  very.head,  to  meliorate  the 
«;5fl>^4<3|  public  l^w^a^S'he  only  ground' upon  which 


0' 

nil 


'^  There  it  {|ome  reason  to  hope,  that  the  time  is  apf^toacfainf^ 
|||ieji  t^e.]l^iiciple  for  whiijh;  I  contend^  wiU  he  in  f^t  aaoittecl^  «i 
»J»ft  of  the  *«^W  of  nations;  not  siqaply  as  it  respects  prwo^er*; 
hirt  atio  as  H  respects  public  armed  vessels. 
^  iMM^eting,  I  acknowledge,  is  ifiOre  obviously  Wro^g,.^han  cap- 
torei  of  nt^rchfcntitten  bj^  national  siajis  of  war.  It  is  that  kind  ht 
iht  miiasimof  priviUe  righ^  which  is  most  extensile  Sn  ito  injii-: 
rjons  elfects,  most  lerel  to  the  capacities  of  ojrdinary  mimls,^  lao^t 
calculated  to  excite  the  aversion  of  christian  sensibjUityi.  QMut  p^ 
nictoas  to  th^  general  morality  of  the  community,  by  moltiplying 
lh«  tmuibdr  df  adventorers,  who  sefek  arid  share  the  pthoder  of  un- 
o£fending  feUow-men:  biit  the  evil,  the  riidleal  evil,  liesiii  iJb  m: 
vamin^  private  right  ca  eiU. 

To  the  total  abolition  of  thu  practice,  I  see  in  the  state  of  the 
nations  no  formidable  barrier,  except  what  is  presented  by  the  po- 
licy of  Great  Britain.  It  is  heir  navy  that  plays  the  criminal  game 
in  time?*  of  peace  and  war.  It  is  reasonable,  however,  to  expect, 
that  daring  the  present  repose  of  the  nations,  they  will  ask  one  an- 


"f^PWW? 


tn 


TH9  PIIIli<!»lfWt  (^H  WHi€H 


I  justify  ib&  countiy  In  porauing  this  practice,  h  tet 
of  vkitiBg  upon  ttie^^  ^mmy,  the  evil  which  his  ii^iifl- 
tice  merits.  That  ground  is  sufficient.  It  i«  ^ 
ground  up6n  which  rests  the  equity  of  the  wl^^ 

oUi|r  Uie  qneftioQ,  How  long  shall  England  be  perinUM  to  m^ 
ttie'  evoliu^ve  commerce  and  domioion  of  the  ocean  ?  Shall  it  be 
fbr  eterrlVU  reasonabtefd  i^«ot  they  will  deVlie  tdeayi,  Weoil' 

I'know  thai  ibis  is  necvMary  to  publio  jaatice,  I  know  it  iintin- 
tMsirjs  i^»  oermaiteiit  peace  'm  the  wprl^^  I  kpoii  Jt  |a^  |fih 
pieedJii  thf  word  of  God.  I  kqow  it  will  be  brought  to  pats.  In 
^9|Mtepr  the  example,  and  the  ipfluence  o^Oi«at  BHfain,  If  find 
thtoti^but  Ebrope  and  America,  ati  Increasing  ^fislf  1m  ^  il^ 
piM^  tit priitetUpltlhdtr  on  the  oemn.  .   ;    ^   ir 

Ohriilian^  sensibilitjr,  in.  this  citjr,  and  tbcoughool  t|ie  isofintfy* 
ll^jiv^rfe  from  prl«ateefifl|y,.  Soma  American .  i^ffjil^s,^  j|Rd 
amqog^there,  Mr.  Cu^NCEiiLoa  Kgnt  of  this  st|ite,  (a  man  who^ 
irhile  t/hief  Justice,  abljr  vindicated  the  christiaib  cliaracler ^Pile 
l^ilmiOnMl^,  iuiilinhii^th^  decision  ihk%  li^hknftiiMl 
ike  SavUnir  45  a  crime,)  have  protested  against  privateering.  It 
irpnld  be  doing  iijjiy^tice  to  their  ii^ellect  and  their  patriotiim^  to 
P)r,  that  whfij^  <;(MidcR(ping  it  here,  th^^  justify  it  «^  tlie  par^V 
l|he  enemiy  x.  that,  jvjiiie  qonj^emnip^  the  practice  oiT  pHvateerli^t 
Uiey  approve  of  the  principle  qf  plqniier  by  poblic  arinN)  viidlets; 
ihat^  while  condemning  the  inir^islbn  of  pnVabei  right,  a«  i  #eapbn 
plvKjOir,  they  allow  the  morality  of  it  in  timeil  of  pea<ie.  I  rather 
)Bl««|  i^"?.  wiUi^  thow  wi^tors  on  |>»b|ic  law,  ^ftb,  white  they  ie^ 
ini^^^il^is^^  th^usages  of  nations,  desire  to  bavf  tJbp  e^f 
ofjui^tiopl  law  altered  ami  an^eiided.  t  rat^jf  <;laia  t(>^  ^''^ 
||^M«  distiiigubhed  civili^8  of  France,  whol#nlc^the  teigplfbf 
t^  jP^niperor  Napoleon,  by  raising  up  that  tfhj^^ri^i^llie  nroinin^t 

f^ati  l^al  talent,  the  Civil  Code,  s|iU  the  law  of  the  naiidn  whd^e 
IhKHae  he  has  abdicated.    I  had  rather  clacm  ^m  with  i^e  fit»OKrs 

,  of  tl|#  TnatMf  q/"  Tiisit,  that  rcinarkabie  instrument,  whipli,  «s%c 
learn  from  the  note  of  the  Duke  i^  Bmsano,  Parigf  Apfll  2^,  102, 
to  the  ChanceUer  of  Bussikt  agf^Hr^jlhe  fame  prineipte. '  ^n  tiMt 
note  are  the  following  very  libei|d  and  correct  assertions.  "Bis 
Miu«sty  the  Emperor  of  Russia^  has  acknowledged  at  Tilsit,  the 


Pi^*«^iPPSPiii^liWiP|piipppP!iWiipiiPip^ 


^         .^P»IW%JfaP«^™* 


7MM 


WW 


,  1 5aw  fctring  4lik  discoum  ^o  a  clos^,  with  9  Mii- 
fimry  of  my  reasons,  for  urgiA|^>  upffn  all  class^ii,  Jt 
%CMPdid  "fllippoi^'^f -^the  defi^^  which 

"tfik^  be  >^  ctmniimtmca^  eitipioyed;  by 

^<^y;  who^  ifi  ^ine  proVuleiice,  haif^  the  manage- 
liieiit  of  ^6^  war.  comiQiited  into  their  haonit.  |f 
any  ifieans  proposedy^afaciuld  appear  to  be  UDGonstilii- 
^l|ii!l^,^liet<'^itti«f/^  are  friendly  to  the  instnthtteiit 
^ytt  biiidrtli^i^  itafi^s  together  in  one  great  refiilb- 
jl^n'ispi^^denl^  expose  their  inGonskti6li6Jr'% 
"(^HNrt^  avguments;  but  let  them  still  s^p|pprtj^il^ 

SK'tiemelm t0iisfy^^  exercise ^MrniSm^mi tMi- 

jp|(|||l^  ^,,   ^:;-i,  ■',.■;,:,. 

^<  ^j^jBU!ii»  ^  Jllfartftnw  X«an',  a4<fb!9^B  facte  ^  sh^wr,  uiit  thi  di- 
'tt^ps  i^  Mnerai,  are  appr<MMsiani^  fi  state,  in  wbic^ihe  oMVenf^ 
keO|^  will  proViife,  ^l^*^hi  fkime^^''^'^''''^''^' 

tli^^llbili^  idoppedor  seixedt  tmUst  laden  nUh  mUHi^ 
■fK9iwidt%mi  BfARTSNs  gives  to  eyr  owa  couiitry,  t|i«  cMfflIt  ol 
^^jSr«t  in  tiib  work  of  refonn.  **  In  the  Treafjr  of  Om^gmte 
jMtwefp.the  king  of  Prussia  and  the  United  Stat^of  ^itteiP9, 
J|7|$^^.23,  the /irsi  «xaiN^  has  been  j^tm  af  kebtl^tfii^, 
VTirtue  of  which,  aU  mnckatU  and  ira£ng  ii€k3et»  emfl^^dW^ 
txdunge  ef  the  froduetions  of  d^eM  places,  sliaU  pasg  freif^t  Md 
mkimitnwli^sUtHm," 
./.:  .  *0cero. 

2!} 


ipil^4%«l»|ipiJiipi!ilJiiJ  .       I. 


Ill 


voiMmitibii, 


iSkbm  h^  iiiim^if  M  ChHstliiiiafcHdloiMMf^,  Ittif- 

lof>e  Iheir  country ;  tnid  in^very  thing  consistent  w<ittl 
a  goiod  conscience  sftnttified  by  the  Lord,  promote 
the  cause  in  which  the  nation  is  embarked  against  a 
pcywerful  and  unjust  enemy. 

vlf  negotiation  should  tail  to  secure  a  «peedy 
peafie,  tbfr  dangers  of  the  country  call  for  un^tt^y 
inr  the  strife  of  blood  end  battle.  In  that  case^  tn^ 
l^rtifii;  the  war  will  be  the'  titee'tis  of  preselTii^  lAe 
mum  rf  the  states:  and  thir  is  un^^stioaably  de- 
sirable. Whatever  mistaken  individuals  may  s(iy 
of'  the  isoliision  of  interests,  ^  «hd  the  tiiHtlrjtf i^^^^ng 
b^weeti  the  north  and  the  south,  tho>^MlitJMth0 
#^ ;  e^ory  state,  every  part  of  thii  ^ext(6il6l»«  ei^ 
fire,  h»s  a  deep  interest  in  perpet^ting  the  /Miera/ 
(^niiexioo.  It  is  the  means  of  preventing  those  co|- 
^kMM  iaiHt  Jeftldusies  from  coming  to  an»opeU  ru^ 
IMfe-^'i^  th^'mcfans  of  internal  peace  and'frientf- 
1(htb^it  is  tlk^  bieans  o^  promoting  thdr  c^tms^ren^ 
IK^f  i^nttfactUre^,  ^nd  'Iheir  agricuHureMt  Mb  the 
ilbaMls^f  cuftii^atingi  by  suitable  wicouragfemehl,  tlie 
sciences  and  the  liberal  arts — it  is  the  means^of'pf^ 
serving  unimpaired  the  liberties  of  the  people,  m^ 
^mtii»^\)^  the  fothlsofihdr  democratic  pollc^^ 
it  li  the  nieans  of  defence^a!n^  foreign  eiietaks, 
wHiingto  dIvMe,  and  anxious  to  destroy-^iiistl^ 
ttM^^ns  of  seciu-ing  religious  liberty,  together  with 
the  purity,  thjB  peace,  and  the  growth  of  ow 
duircbes.    The  several  religious  denominations,  al- 


CiOSCMIilllir. 


imiiPiiiiPiPiiiiiiiii 


T#7  < 


veady  wwaluitiwd.by  diMeiiUoa».  w^fiUib^ltos^ 
moee  w€iak»  if  the  parU  oC  f  ac^  a«dMiMf#AKM}y 
fHiml«4u)Uie4iff9piil:J|aitiMi^.w«recMt  aauiKter  % 
pcilUkal  4UUncii<Hli>  whict|.niM#  tiiiiiJtH^ihcir4|i!^ 
brolber.  6ucb  a  9tat«  o£.jMiiDgft  wouM  i^revent  aU 
liberal  interootirae  among  Oirittians,  scattered  ovpr 
this  land  from  north  to  south;  imd  |f»  by.  r#l¥WMg 
in  America  the  local  favouritium  and  the  political 
priestcraft  of  lhia,old  iyorld>  .som^  pairti<;ul^,,c,le|gy" 
mi^ninigbtrisQ^a  a  Ifigher  eminence^ ^.tri^i^JUfl^ 
i|^.<Mtld  mfTer  by,  the  pbange ;  and  J|ie  i]aoi«  ii|gmw»^ 
9^,^nd  bumbl«i  nien»  ^pu)f|  becop^  ip^e  JU^ 
i^ir  jn^uence  ^nd.u8^|iilJ9ef£H 

^.^l^puW  W»^  the  suppqr^  o4tlj^  .witt^^l^^^^  I 
^arnaslly  iMg^iipr^  perpinfi^  ^9^'  t^J^Wj^lf 

m^Mh  ip  pijopprtif^^  fo,  |»JiP.d^^9? . , ^*^..j^rf|.|j^ 

au^ni»  tb^  ip^r^  iy|UjJ^,,beifdi||^se4*tQiP^ 
tbe  cpi^st^.  q[3)|jll§l^,t^diP^,,%^s^^ 

ipw,  i|f  U  baKi,,i5ft^|wnfii¥5f|d^,,.  |t  k ft^l^jte  flN^ 
%  Ji»jMai  pf  the  |pf rlbi^fte  f^n  Jj^^pi^?  *«t  li||iP^iP 

l|%VpiQe.#^fiqi||ty;  ,m-...„.^.-  }fn*ur'^^»-:k:„-  -■  ;■  w;-. 

.i,.  I  wfould  jEAcoipmend  tb^  «qjppio^^  |)|i&  |i|- 

«aiiseiti»jttst»  The  1i7nite4  S|a1^^l^J^j^r  pptbing^ 
but  what  they  oi^t  to  ,]^v^k^}iifi^Jd^^^Sm 
^  enemy  to  gi?e;  wbvifiii  ipr  M9<  Te^  ^Pil^ie' 
ippral-r-the^  piotedioa  ,pf  property^t  and,  l^^soaaal 
liberty,  I  prfiy  for  jsucfseia  to  these  ri^eonselabpa: 


* 


:> 


in 


CO1IOL0S1O1I. 


i^ 


I'pmx  for  courage  to  the  warrior,  ftn#WNNMilfr% 
^  arfiistMnti  hj  which  the  plea  is  urged,  heealii 
^  cause  k  just — ^becaube  it  ig  necestmry  to  ^e  i^ 
pofd  of  the  world— because  f^od  has  prondfied  thai 
tiiii  cause  shall  unirersatly  prevail. 

In  olfering  these  prayersb  I  know  that  they  are  in 
unison  with  the  prayers  of  my  brethren,  even  in  tbe 
country  with  which  this  nation  is  at  war — with  th« 
priiyertf  of  all  ChrisiiansVll^ho  say,  from  the  heart, 
'^tkjf  khigdom  come**  I  speak  not  of  forms,  dictated! 
by  courts,  and  used^y^  tle^'prmsts,  whom  the  king! 
of  the  earth  keep  in  pay  to  overawe  their  subjects. 

isp^ak  of  prayersi  dictated  by  the  Spirit  of  our  Lord 
e^  (%r&/a^  sikc^  p^  fiif  pltitl<^  «$#ihe 
liltimate  success  o^^eA^i^ncTatms,  are  in  unison. 
Should  you  UnTol  amor^  the  nations,  and 'take  ^ 
Siity^a^'#  "tfac^  iiaib  ivh^ito  -oh  eartlr  y<ni 

Wi^fiM 'HOI  find  cine  8iitgl#4ie8rtied>t%rist»n,  whi> 
woiiM  i^^iie  1i!# '%iseiif  to   tfieife^^^  p^ 

plils^  (br  which  t^natk>*eonten<fttliy  ^  vwoili; 
aAd  there€»r«  do  i  ptny  to  the  AhnigfatyGod,  i|F; 


*.'*  ^■iti'^'fi-  .'<rt 


r  » 


.4''^ti  : 


>i^H  »,•<  -   , 


K 


•■■■'     v.. 
1' '.  i»ii».. 


■.;5 


■^^  -■-..■ 


'a;»^i '*«;■>' 


i  '"  < ' 


?>i«ti 


.^|»:-, 


THE    DNOg    FOR    WitieH     OOU     IK    HII     fEdVllllllfli 

tEkuvsB  th6   EXikruvtE   or  Tifti  WAi. 


It*' 


■. f  .< 


9^' 


SERIWKIINV. 


owrOod,    Jier.llllO. 


.M 


»4t 


'■yM 


HEY,  whose  ki  it  k  to  live  k»  tbet  miifot  of  frnm- 
Ibtioiui  and  #jirfi^  ore  oonetrtuied  to  be  tbt»  witaessei 
ilfmiid^nii8«fy«iid  sorrow.  Wb^re  ig^orftiiM  tMatii 
^^nmmy  pitt«*yi  tiie  hunmiie  h^e  oiilyto  siiOfirn  |p 
iiBcilc»^er  thei»^a«iiiie8»  wi(ho^t  ein^n  the  santf 
ijbnsok^n^  of  j^rodttimiAg  to  tbe  w^ld^  tby  evUf 
iiiiich  tiisy  se^'or^Hcliir^.  v^h)bre«oo9«r»  kkw o^Nf, 
Ibeirty  seieuycs  tb^  right  of  e3|MreBWig  000* s  tbougbts* 
did  osiKGialt^  ntllidrei  true  rel^ion  Jbe^j^  a  becom- 
ing magnanimity,  m^n  will  ;iilway#  lie  fouivl  to  «e- 
late  tte  tttle  of  we,  ^nd  to  declare  tbar  opinions  of 
tbe  cauits  and  eonstquenees  of  presejpt'  sulflferii^s.  It 
is,  nsoreorer,  to  be  expected,  that  in  such  casev, 
some  diversity  of  sentiment  will  obtain  among  the 
most  unlHassed  and  Tbi;uoii8.    The  complexnees  of 


"  .•.  -*. 


m 


Gojij^  ¥tmv^m*i»  IS 


»visbEiQss  and  the  passiQiis  <4  *t>f  ^aiit,  g^e  «t  |«|b 

m  to  beljeve.  bad  w^  not  the  %Ms  pC  hh^  W 

iji9Mire,  MS  pf  the  factyvthet  without  my  m^iommm 

of  depraf  Jty»  men  will  di^^  al^put  l|)!e| 

Interestiiig  concerns  f f  $pcia2.  life.  ^, 

:im  «?d  e^^dence  of  the ^buwhj^g,  9iid  p^iticiu^ 
^^#C  tb<B  Jtj^fprmed,  pracj^ jnjs Jthe  dg^^r^  tip;  thctjir 
spfls^  jr|4c}^  anses  from  ^e  iwBBuJtsancj  4h^  chs^nge^ 
c^  |)oliU<^  empire.  During  the  9pncj^^km  <?£  jaa?^ 
tipn^^waj^  IJi^o^s^i^^^^  ihe^  i^pofj^ 

and,^i^  l^it^^  jl^  i^^  Uving  prj^ciple,  iii 

connexion  mih^^  Rf^k  of  a^ea,  to  pr^y^nt  l)eii|^ 
*9?«#  5>fiJ?ni^b*!5^  ifi  i^  eartijqiwfee.  ,  "^f^^^C^ 
^  *^«c  W%ff|i«^#*  ^"^  the  pr^s^nt  stri||5g% 
of  the  noi^a,  ie^  ^9te  o^^/  ^Kftor?  in  ^im  tlte  nforff 


■,    y  :^i^ia,.:0ii 


p»!j^  ^^«^«|  in  fiew  pf,  ,iuifeflcien%4e^ti|^ 
«\r^roF  the  C*aid|^  j;oyi^r9*w^  aA W%t#]^ 
>ei^«  cf  the  I^edes  and  Persiansi,  h©  gave  th^  name 
^  <^'  W*  #  %  l^y  which  deseri^^  t©  Jt^  ^f^*^ 
e4  m  »»%  ^  r»^|^h  of  Jfe^iis  iQhwrj^  yt^Cjii^i;^ 
tiv^  srfthis  cw,  aff^s  an.Wtr^^  _,|||l 

i3^n4  w ;#p, ^^ ^  JirpBwwb,  whQ  fltt^s .;^ 
decterall^^,^s^fyei?  tc^.b#,  hel4  up.to  yiew.  ^  s^.Wif , 

lyw.  He  w^s  4^sceiid^  Jroiu  the  hou^^<|f  4,ari^ 
and  .of  cf^vme  9L  j^iest,  ^.u  |ir<^ll  as  j^  pr^^fhei,.  Jfy 
early  piety,  »  rensfrkaWe  dwceTiiwent  ox  the  e^ 


!;%►'''' 


•♦rki'WU48Elf)f''1l^lt. 


m 


4iFMikim  in  iB^fed}i^i^l§ritemf^  and  lif  an  tik- 
3^(H%lli*in^«fi»  and  inteptjr;  lie  was  qualified  for 
tlitedi^^'oJrata^itiKii^njfinist^  he 

ld^rt|Jl#fdt^  a  kleafste  ftbm  Mb  laboiirc,  and  bisvteiy 

^as  cottUhuedi  Ibi^  t»e  ii^  of  the  cliiirch,  *o 

old  «ge  upon  earth.  Hid  iaithfulneip  provoked  the 
r^f^tteirt^^f  tfa^  i^^ ;  and^onong  thoste  whdm^he 
li^twfti^  t#iftstrtM^  Aiul  Uf  ^t,4ishewmM  not  ftit- 
^  h^  hird  few,  if  smy  friends.  They  forced  him  i«- 
Itfdaittfy  to  minister  to  Iheto  in  Egypt  after  the  iifl 
^'^^usiltiai :  iBktid; eiten  iheit,  Shstead  of  condtil^ 
tlieir  prejudices,  he  freely  proclaimed  unwe^tH^ 
trttiths.  Persecuted  by  men,  his  only  consolation  ii^as 
f^l^hiferiri^hfe  happiness  on  earth  omsist^lti 
dbibf  his  (S^iSkf,^^  Wfe  do  not  know  which  id  adiht^e 
m6st,  his  magnanimity,  or  disintferesiedn^iSi  r  ifflir 
ynhm  Nebugaraddan,  the  Commander  iii<^efofrti^ 
ChMean  armament,  offered  him  8^  estal^^tneit  13$ 
B^lbtfi;  he  preferred  cdrftittuli^  #li&*%  itfffiited 
l^tlwen,  who  had  neter  treitfeti  liliii  ^fl^  the  lii#^ 
#ss  or  egteem  diie  ttr  M^  wdi*thi  -^  '  '>^^  ^^*       ^    ' 

This  weeping  prophbt^npAi^  ih  fee Mffer^ 
ings  of  li  peo|^,  li^di^d  ifAif  Ihtltae^  V  rt^ 
Many  <0p  ttifem  ^ifeW  ill^ady  ftl^otWfy.   fie  B^ 
l»Eii  ^  tjicM^  edificel^  if  ^  i^t^kt  mdt^W 
^hisi'  ^©^^Jipiid  ^'fear^'diefe'M^^ 

t^rs  of  Itt^hrtei,^  t<y  Bahyfdn;  W  etiemy  of  hir 


**, 


^ 


mi^sm^mk^^ 


siife  ^  U^  covdousness,*    J^ereinn^  cotAniKfeif  % 

wirking  iho  predicted  liidgmenis^  aM  ^ent  ^li^^^  |^ 

%  hapds  of  Sema!^  iol  Babyloo,  if0  m^^  liit 

i^ii  lie  md  %mJto  ili^  i^B|#4i  I^^ 

idiould  be  f&sAened  to  fi  stdife|  ai^  ibrdwn  uQ^'j^ 

£uphrate8»  as  a  symbol  of  tt^'i^tiioliUOo^^^ 

j^an  greatness.    WfaBepredifitii^^  tbe^e  judgiDfiebil 

Ipl  war  from  the  tiC^  d^tfok^  t^^ 

n^p^ty  empiire,  iiie  iqyited  tb^  saali^  Iti  tb#  words  M 

my  text,  **Ckme/Ufvis'iedari  ikl^^ 

^  Lord  our  God:*  M 


y^t-  ih 


WtuF  is,  in  a  certain  senst,  tWi^orV^ 
Jt$4uehit  ought  to  be  understood 


J^giwfpe^, 


feoin  these  assertions  I  shall  endeavour  ib  ddi^lf^ 
and  |ij^Iyy,an4  i^haifibeh  conclude  this  siii 

u.   1.  All  rvars  arc,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  MtU'cf"  me 
JjordoufGod*  '  ,; 


•'.'    V'fl 


\''H.^i 


|t  iCnot,  11^  lis  0  pleasiiig  to  the  Deity, 


to  «^i)iea^M0  either  :theeiE^^  sufl^- 

^^meif^  beTi^edin  t^l^W^f 

ai^  a^j^ri^  and^ 
the  wki^^M  )^Gmi^iasfk: 


*iieMi:tS^ 


'H 

'■'.*• -^ 


*aiB  ,«iW|lRr  wA|i. 


I'f^^^lQjBs^  he  not  onl^  adiosts,  bat,  |p  aonqe  l(»ikj^ 
qes,  requires  war:  and  on  account  of  its  edicts,  ne 
i^riogsil to |>as«^  as linder existing circunistaiiOiBy ew- 
e<^  to  t)ie  nature  of  lais  goy^nuueni  o'^er  such  c^- 
tlires  {^^  t^e  sii^ul  chiMren  of  men.   ^1^  nat  ^^hi^ 


. '/ 


.*■•■)',' ^>Vf.  ^ 


^^,  Th^  proTidence  of  Gd<]  ei^tends  to  evei^  ©totP* 
>^9f  ,is  particulaily  specified— and  the  wars  of  ^ 
llgt  if^T  t|)e  world*  are  pointed  but  in! iiie  Mj^m» 
bistory.  .    ,  .„>.^;.i^„ . :^^ 


1.   ,  7^  propidenee  of  Qo^  f^tend^  ttf  every  evaU 

Proyision  was  naade,  in  the  counsel  of  feiisbwa  WlOp' 
,l^|bre  ^ijy  |>art  of  |:reatb^  wapi^^  ihto.exibt€|pc^ 
for  ay  ||^i||^|^^^|^id(^<^  creatures  in  1^ 

or  tbrp^h  ela^ty.  A  mab  of  understandi%  pu^ 
P|flil^^|^|||i<^  ^yhat  be  shall  do ;  it  ai|^e8  in^per- 
fectkin  air  intelleet  or  of  power,  or  else  piutation^ 
^po^tion,  to  act  contrar)r  to  previous  refk>lutibii : 
,^pj^|Hpfi9e,  omnipotence  and  immutability  ai|sure 
^jj^ti%il}Q(Arvorfceth  a^  ikings  (^kr  the  {counsel  ^  Usi 
iff^m^^i  and  as  |^  infilled  what  he^allbioisetf  per- 
|ppn»  l^is  agency  extends  oyer  nuitter  and  njiibd 
to  «,,qr  ^e^^pcm  Ihe  colouring  irf  ^'Bla««»t 


'-s^ 


^  Hftb.  i.  13.        fCfen.  xviii.  25.        |  Ainos  iii.  6. 

^Ejpfa.  ii  11. 

26 


tion^'n  rmmwmm  j^» 


«f  Itair,  |i|  |lfa9  fiyertiirRing  of  «.  wofW.     Tke  w^ 
Mri  of  jfonr  he$k  an  att  fmmhred,* 


.-  ,tir  V 


-:  ■%'. War  ^ parHevdarfy  tpee^d  In  several  pa^a  of 
tlie  sacred  yolume,  as  a  VY^rk  of  GodV  Proyiden^^ 
ffiei'  Mman  i^ire.(  ^  Whierefpre  U  is  said  in  j^e 
1^  vf  ike  nfo/n  (^  i^  J^rdwkai  he  did  injthe  Bei^ 
Bf^M  and  in  thie  brooks  of  AriK>|i :  and  at  the  str^afn 
of  the  brook  that  goeth  dowji  to  ^e  dwelling  of  Ar,. 
and  Ikllfa  o B  the  boi^r  f>i  Moab."t   ,    ' 


I  shall  ipu^rate  tMf  doetrioe  b^  ja  pass^^ 
sacred  historjf«wlUjph  is  ViCr^  applicable,  to  tb^  sevi^- 
ral  iaqilMies,  which  pi<$ty  would  suggest  upon^ear-^ 
log  thift  i?ar^„^  trorki^i^  |jfi|;d  o^^  God, 


">'',. 


»»-,■ 


^Aod,  king  of  j^^l  px-pppsed    t^  Jehoshaphc^t 
long  of  Judab»  an  alliance,  for  the  puipos9  of  ;W||giiig 
W»  against  the  Syrians*  of  which  the  latter  accept 
«l^4i)m1^^«xp)^ee^  a  ,c)iB«ire^  t£)^c$)«Kii|Jit;.t^  1^^ 
?i|l|!^|;ti^,Um  i^ture^.aipd: en<i|  o|  % ;ipoa^^ 
|fbosha#^,,.wiai  aip»  folUngs,  wWbh  ||M^ 
^i|M«i^^q^r  to  haye  cl^f^^  pro«e^ 
w^j^llMBSs  and  indeekipaolbis  character,  wa&  a. ^ouir 
Baan»  whip-:  revered  the  word  of,  the  I^r<I»   Aha^^^^^ 
^^an  opposite  character,  bMipiadei^  s^  part  of  ^ 
$^yJ^  keep  a  numerouii  ioiiiislry  dep^ndi^g  ijipoii 
liiairoyal  boipty ;  because,  li^i^t  .ve^y  de|Mo4ei^i^ 
h^e  «i%Jiit  cak/a^ie  jippn  t^ek ji|iiue|ic(^  in  |jie  mm 
mttnity,  to  favour  his  plans  of  ambition  and  tyraniiy. 


L.udc  Xii.  i,    ynam*  xsi.  K.    j  i  jilogs  xx«.  I— 5. 


tnfEPAinniv  vfxiu 


lii  accordingly  samnooned  ft  iouii^^^  of  |M^pli^ 
wfaich  was  attended  by  ^boiU^kikiidnuie^ 
knew  tbe  incliB»lioQoCthe  king  of  lirael^:  ttoiV#ef«i 
noi  so  well  acquainted  with  the  #lli  of  tU  lUtig  of 
l^eaven:  and Ihey  did  fiot  hedtate  io  give,  wbat1h<^ 
.patron  expected,  the  isanctibn  of  thelir  i«l%lott4iild 
l)el%epent  propbsatB.'^  f^  was  gratified ;  IM  hl| 
ally,  su8pe€tir.g  the  ch&ra^ter  6tAl^^i  pit>p|^i^ 
y^  noriSitisfied:  lie  inquired  f^¥  someteacfaiN-of  di^ 
Miie  truth,  worthy  of  mbve  cOnfideticli.  Tliet^  il|i 
^e  of  that  description  at  hand.  JMHt^Uak  the  son  of 
liBdlib^  uras  #ell  inotim  in  Slmana/i^'lils  phiitiiiesi 
mfii1n«Bgt|ty ;  biU^  air  might  be  f«pe<^d,  iif  sudii  ft 
<:banicter,  that  be  was'  i^oC  iti  &vour  with  thiel'  court. 
Though  constrained  to  respect  his  Virtues,  they  dis- 
lifeed^tHm  j^  hSs  unyieldiR|(:d]3^itieB«  I  haU  kim, 
ia!d'AMby,/<)r  he  does  noi  pthpkecy  g^  eoneernhg 


'■■'  1^-^i.il' 


■  I  •■'■- 


■■■l^   t  '  ■'. 


.J> 


ihff 


^  ft^w^  the  j^^  of  1^  l^iti^  of  lidrae]^  "faow^^rtr, 
liol  to  cllipiease  or  dtsap^idi  a^  liiati'  upiim  ^hM 
t^MipetitldU^'^alciilat^  In  tht  Bynan  i^earr  a^ 
iiiordeHo  giiitify  iFehoshaj^fa 
'to^lbe^  t^Oiyal^pr^nee.  ^£o^bieMf  in  sta^e  ap|^t<bt| 
^  Iwir  allied  monaithl  sat  upon  thrones,  before  te 
|at4  of  Safniifia,  teceii^ing,  Inr  thb  pi^sen^  dT  tie 
fk^p^h^b,  ibe  lioitiage  of  the  titore  courti^^  piropftiti, 
i^en  tikiionof  Imiidi  appfo^hied.  He  catlie  ^I3i| 
iH^M^as^  tmiii^^  fbmt^a^  wii^  hl^  p^ 
^iotisly  solicited  a  feyoiirable  reply  from  him  t&  the 


^|3w  Terae  (L 


f  Verge  8. 


^c^inemttmtomv'm 


^•- 


lf$0tmMm  «f  ibt  kisffi.     The  pro]^  ma^  ^na 
liMiiptjrJ  W^fk  he  9pak<^  he  piedicM  the  fiaiof 


'•"•  J  i     *■  ■*'  >'; 


^^■;;  '• 


»»v>w*f 


¥#ii|ii9l<|.at  auQli  bokloew.  the  king^ionSered  the 
|»w^t  iiwtanUy  to  prk^  to  hMf/^^Mtrndif 
qfiieiim,  and  water  of  (fiction,  until  be  should  him- 
|pK  ffoMliti^  ffo^^  the  MeliA  oi  kaii^  whJtheii  he 
^p^f^j^^Sr^^  JndMusamh 

taid^  jf  thciu  rekun  Mufi^  inpeaeM,  Ae  J^4,,it0kiniH 
sptO^aiattby  m.f  The  fact  verified  the  predio 
tifwi.  Wi^m^  fraged ;  ji|id  jAiwh,  in  df«p^^  his 
c*w^dl|rdwgiiif«,.ft^i^^  >  j  lia^ 

,  ^jX%a  woTcjs  ol|l»  pv(^t,.hel9«e  il^^ 

^tt  influ^liced  ^g^  ai,^iwt  of  delu&wn,  «»y:^  «evei?r 
theless,  be  said  to  beof  the  Ldrd.  Jsm  ikalmd 
sUHng  OH  kis^rotte,  and  oB  the  host  of  heaven  stand- 
i^.fy  hiniL,imJii^^ri^h^ndiand  mirnkfi-^^^^M 
4f  Imd  saidi  whoisMipersmd^^MtibiMiiif  h^m^ 
^^i^m^fq^.f^am^i^^0^  ^mmm 

fy^tk,^  spi^  md^OQidbrforemii^rdimd  sa^  J 
nsi^  persuade  Jtim^lnfiff  go fa^ 

fph,  antd  do  so.  Now  therefore,  bdu^d*  therlMiif^ 
M^  /wrf  a  lying  spirit  in  the  mmOh  if  ail  4hese  thy 
ftkpkeis,  miib§,  Xmd^haikispekm-emli^g!$em$ng 


♦  . 


f  Yene  38.        ^^Tsww  im*23i 


^■i  /: 


if?tmmiKnm  wm^ 


iiS 


li'Nmitliiiilseaiiii^^^^^l^  appear!,  tiiat  Abi^  ttlkd  Ml 
pfophet8»  Mdnoed  by  miefil  spirit;  ^Ittntartty 
mstod^msA  iimwdMlMt  the  Oon^rAor  df  the  i^Hd 
permitted  their  transgressions,  and  cfAii^e^  f^id^ 
actions  to  answer  his  righteous  purposes— that  the 
oootest  at  RtundUiig^lead  was  pi^destiiiated;  fw- 
^dedyand  btdught  to^^ss,  by  the  ILotd^  our  God. 

^a  «ny  iiw«i?,^  tkis  age  jof  the  m^U, 

ittPimdim  m  ChriHmd&ln,  are  peS^iarfy  poka^^ltt 

^^  ^rRmtparl  of  sacred  histdry,  from  which  I  iiare  ti- 
ken  my  text,  very  readily  suggests  to  ev^ry  t)ri^  «, 
maiar  with  the  Bible,  a  portion  of  New  Testament 
]|^<itctSoftiwhkbj«»ttfied  this  remark;    Irefbi^t^^ 
btt^uring  of  the  sixth  Apocalyptical  rk!.    K  i 
the  HftinN^  diMHiexiota'  between  these  iWo  ii^^yiL 
«f  Scr^tutre  that  induced  the  sdectibn  of  liiiy^teili^ 

I  *llie  ItojiAlecy  bf  Jeremiah  resj^cls  iht 
«f^th#adCient  Babylon,  i^is  is  ** rthe'#cttk  of  tife 
iscmliiO  be  declared  in  Zioil}^"  ^^  ^hf  t^M^^kl^ 
^ridter  Beiy^hazfear,  and  w^aS^NBflfeCtfed  bjr  IK^^^ 
mies  of  Barius  the  Mede  aitd  Gy rtis  pfii^  Vf  1?*^^ 
i^,  conducted  by  ihe  latter,  t^grei^^^itilJ^ 
his  own  time.  ^i-Vl 


1^ 


'^'f*  < 


.■^^■i. 


i!^..i 


Me^  and  INinrafe  bSth'lly  td  tM  diit  '^'W%. 
and  of  Chaldea,  and  on  this  account,  a  Jew,  writl^  Si 

-  ^-  „^^^~  ~^^  ^„j5jj_  „.  j3ai^^-j^j,j|^  iijiisi  Consi- 
der the  weU^uiown  destroyers  of  CikMean  ^reM^ 


f.'^' 


^66 


aoti'n  pROViBftRcB  IN 


tieSs,  Cyrus  and  lus  unck  Cy^xares,  as  ^  Miigs  tf 
the  east  For  twenty-one  jehrn,  the  empire  of  tbei 
worid  was  diaputed  betwe^  these  kings  and  the  m^ 
lers  of  Babylon.  It  was  by  stratagem  they  at  las^ 
succeeded.  The  Euphrates,  which  runs  through  that 
city,  was  diferted  at  immense  labour  from  its  cban* 
nel ;  and  when  the  waters  abated,  the  Medes  and 
Ihe  Persians  marched  in  and  took  possession.^  Thit 
explains  tiif  words  of  John  the  BiTine.  jHle  siMk 
angel  poured  out  his  vial  t^wn  the  great  river  JE^^ 
phrates;  andjhe  waters  thereof  rveis  dried  up,  thjOi  the 
way  of  the  kings  of  the  east  might  he  prepared.^ 

iThe  sixth  vial  designateiS  the  period  under  wi^ph 
we  live.  I  shall  not  here  repeat  what  I  formerly'^iiiit 
in  your  heaHng,^  in  my  Lejgtuiu&s  on  the  Perioii, 


^  (<  Aflcr  a  liege  of  iieai|[y  two  yean*  Cynn  at  last  lueoeeded  in 
tak^  Babylon.  Uaderatanding  that  a  great  annual  testival  wai  to 
be  kept  at  Babylon,  he  sent  lip  a  party  of  his  men  to  the  castle, 
IfMl^ag  to  the  great  lake,  with  orders  to  break  down  the  bfiittk» 
wt^  turn  Uie  wlMile  cwnent  into  the  lake.  Towards  eirei|kig  he. 
qMBtted  tbebeiid  of  the  trenches  on  both  sides  the  rivcl?  above  tlit 
c^y.-Ifi  the  interim,  getting  all  his  forpee  togetberfh*  potted  jnie 
patt  of  them  at  the  place  where  the  river  entered  the  pity*  and  the 
other  where  it  came  out*  with  orders  to  enter  as  soon  as  the  ehannejf 
jlieeiuqfi  fordalile.  By  the  middle  of  the  night,  hoUk  parties  ente^ 
«^  .ti^  ons  having  6iDi&rM»,  and  the  other  QadeOeSf  two  t'evolting 
nobles  of  Ohaldea^  Ibr  their  guides.  Both  parties  met  at  the  pin 
lace,  surprised  the  gnards,  took  poesession,  and  slew  the  king. 
TloB  aeeoant  HerodQjIns  and  XfRC^^lton  bpth  give  of  the  takii^  of 
Babylon  b^^  Cyhis;  aiid  herein  they  exactly  agree  with  the  sacred 
scriptiiret." 

Frt<&«i«f,F^o?.r.j».  158-^1 55. 

t'Revia^.  12/- ' 


•SHE  Pill8B9T  WAR. 

w  THE  ViAM,  to  ^rove  that  we  ace  now  ijn^r  the 
*^^.   *  take  thatfect  for  granted.    TheJ^Fintrp- 
Ju<»a  t^  i^f^  The  sevenih  wHl  intrp^Wi 

we  mijyniiium.    the  intervenii^  judgments,  on  an- 
^ehmianhaiions,  belong  to  t^  «ta;<A. 

We  have  shpwn,  iMithe  undean  spirits  wbkk  ^ 
^ed  ft^m  Satan,  doing  wonders,  seducing  the  tings  of 
i!^Bmt^EA¥th^^  even  of  the  whole  world,  tpgo 
forth  i^yfw^-^^mcl4^  ou$(ftfe 

mmho/ tfiedf't^^,  thi  beast,  and  the  Jalse  proplMy 
m,  M  pHriCiples  ilf  Infidelity,  of  tyranny,  aM  of 
hypocrisy,  supporteci  by  philosophists,  by  European 
^arcbfi,  and  by  corrupt  ecclesia3tics,  producing 
##;  aiid  latbeiring  the  nations  to  their  merited  judg- 
iriiBiftli  W^  have  shown,  that  it  is  the  design  of  heaten„ 
While  employing  that  terrible  ihachinery,  as  a  wo  to 
the  kingdom  of  the  man  of  sin,  to  destroy  the  im- 
mm  respur^^s,  which  the  e^^blii^raents  of  the  pl4 
wfyrld  Ji%^  from  tbeir  system  of  ibi^ign,c<4pni»^ 
tiioiii,  aed  its  dependent  commierce*  Wehave«h$»iRn, 
^t  thk,  the  object  of  the  sixth^i^  b^^n  to  bfe  ad 
4foplished  in  tyAirieri<feir  Involution  ;^ri^  m 
waters  of  Ei^hrates,  ihus  di%rt^d  from  ifer chann^ 
through  the  midst  of  Babylon,  will  continue  to  flow 
waore  and  mere  in  another  ^^rse,  until  ti»  former 
ehannel  is  dry,  and  tl»&  corrupt  establishments  of  i:u- 
rope  becomfe  a  more  ^asy  prey  to  « thfe  kings  of  the 
east,"  the  agenjs  of  tl^jr  ruin.  Of  fhis.Ti«a  Oj^  pro- 
sent  war  is  a  part:  and  whatever ?may  have  been  tihe 
intention  of  its  instigators  and  opponents ;  whatever 


^%f  ~K    Y' 


■% 


THE 


%* 


•HI' 


•f 


tbe  iipipsdis^tf  motives  of  its  oifigin  and  oo||tiiiuf%e, 
it  IS  a  part  of  ttie  irraD4  sctiemd  of  f^videnccu'  io 
drpbiK  up  tbe  waters  of  the  modem  or  mystic  Baof- 
loni  and  as  such,  it  is  m  a  peculiar  setis^  the  wm 
of  the  Lord  oiir  God,  which  it  behoves  us  ooth  l|> 
declare  and  to  explaio  in  2ion.  But  Ibii  leiaiiis  if> 
aether  pfirt  of  ipy  discourse. 

%   ■■  .        ^i^-:.il     .  ,        ■  .     -     .    .    , 

IJ.  FFf  shall  sh^n}  the  several  ends'to  be  answered  % 

tki$  nHtr,  as  a  work  of  Oodrsgdffdpromdeme, , 

',,  .    ,        ,  ,  ,.  .  ^  ,^.,;^      ^    ^        ^   -_  ^        ,..^     ,^^     ,^»"'' 

ITlils  theme  of  discussion  it#j3[|(T^  jfil;^  ^ 

particular  iiE^nner,  to  chrlstlui  attention.^  ^ll^M 
]#ve  the  licmlJeiu^  ChrM,  #ilt  regard  iliedmmm 
Ms  hand.  He  hath  evdlted  kts  throne  m  me  heamu^ 
of^  his  kingdom  rideth  ovmall^  Whatever  judgment 
we  foirm  of  the  views  afitil  the  actionf  of  n|en  |n  pow^ 
•r  over  the  several  nations ;,  it  is  our  incumbent  duty 
to  jBjttt^  witj^  ^are  tfie,,  dei^gns  of  heayeii,  so  j&r  «s 
^y  aie  d^Ibp^  in  v^e  c!igpe^atioi||^^  b|^ilisj  jpflit};^ 
lodence.  fi^Qld.  o^^  h/^  if^s&rmni?  look  mto  tii 
J^mflofM^jnaslerSf  and  as  the  eye^  (fa  matoKf  uitMi 


'■^;' 


.".^H'tS 


•jhe  war  in  whic^  o^r  country  is  engaged,  is  J^^ 

part  of  THE  GRAND  SCHEME  OF    GodV   PK6VlbENc|» 

and  requires  that  we  consider  it,  both  as  u  respec^^ 
this  nation  in  particular,  and  as  it  refpects  the  gene^ 
ral  family  of  nations* 


i^.. 


*  P«.  C^ixiii.  2. 


TiU  PIIKWIfT  WAR. 


•  !! 

We  can  discqyer  the  purposes  of  i^  Dei^  re- 
i«)ecli0g  ua,  only  by  amtui  of  hw  rei»a]td  wW ;  ffid 
Ii0  meals  himself  by  his  liwnf,  and  his  worlcs.  Wfi 
iH^fl  so  ordered  it,  that  we  are  at|ii|r  wkh  af^at 
and  poweiful  e  .ip%e :  and,  however  we  may  account 
for  the  ^<K:t,  by  the  contingencies  of  seco^duy 
causes,  it  is  not  to^be  denied,  that  it  conies  to  pail 
qepording  to  the  ^pifrpase  of  Him,  mho  morketh  aU 
t^ng$  after  the  eoumei  rf  his  onm  will,  Hf  does  !»«• 
thing  in  vain.  The  effects  produced  were  intended 
to  be  produced;  and  by  observipg  these,  we  learn 
what  hk  hath  designed  to  accomplish.  The  present 
far  Vipj^an  c^estined  j[)y  the  God  of  h^Ven,  to  an- 
8we]|.  t^  purposes  of  a  ju^fgment-^0  (ria^-and,  a 


i.  The  War  is  a  Judgment, 

The  sii^  of  indmdjpl  ^transgressors  are  not 
piinisheil  to  their  fult^amount  in  ^{s  li^  At  the 
last  diaty,  every  man  shall  receive  as  j^woii  shall 
be.  But  iifations  do  not  exist  as  boc^s  p<dl&:  In  the 
world  of  spirits.  Divine  Jusllce  lays  ho|d  of  tleiX| 
accordingly  in  the  present  world,  and  metes  out  to 
them  t|ijj|ii*  merited  punishment.  The  transgressions  of 
this  empire  are  confessedly  numerous;  and  in  no 
country  upon  earth  dp  the  sins  of  different  individu- 
als requv^  more,  tq  be  taken  into  the  account  of  tli^ 
national  guilt,  than  ttiose  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States;  because  in  no  other  country,  are  the  pec^le 
and  the  government  so  completely  identified  in  the 
constitution  and  administration  of  civil  power.    The 

27 


*•%! 


V-:. 


JUV' 


MitRMMr^OP) 


Al&ni'  i^ai^ter  lif  those  wbc^  are^^lected  t»  oflleer 
l#lllDwn '1i»  their  constHiiMitsvtliilr  aetti  wfeUi  ki 
mi^,'^  the  acts  of  the  cdolnttifiriy  wMchiiHiy  wm 
peAlaA:  ^  dlkntt  eommitled  liy^  puliKci  nm^a  ^iM»^ 
fi^rein^;  justly  IaMii6>^  accounl  of  the  comratm* 
#eMr.  It  is  ajkti,  that  we  sniffer;  and  had  we  ii#t 
^Mmbf!,  such  snfihritigs  wott]#  ioiei  have  %^iyieB  us; 

III  off  M^  fM»fJk9  mhiehhe  H^ik :  Jhir  we  4>bi^ed4iaiMt 
!ce.*    We  feel  oiHr  suffoviogs. 


^e^  mind  is  harassed  by  anxif  ty ;  the  body  is  bit^ 
ken  d6wn  by  the  fatigues  of  war&i^ :  fanuliea^^te 
separated  to  meet  no  more :  and  the  arts,  the  em- 
ptoyments,  and  the  comferts  of  domestie  life^  git^e 
way  to  the  labours  of  flight  from  the  scene  of  danger ; 
to  the  diities^of  the  campj  and  of  the  field  of  battte ; 
aild  to  <he  c^leetioto  of*  the  scattered'  fragments  of 
wimt  remain^  ol  former  treasure. 

"Vitop^fkfnpMy  changir^  hands.  The  Tradi^ 
lieis  his'ibit^  renting  in  the  haibotir,  and  become 
a'piigy  for  Wt>*.:u).  ^lis  capital  is  ^.^'ithoiit  produc* 
^^' employ  '  :  id  gradually  melting)  away  Ifte 
fhe  Apr^  snow.  The  Manufacturer,  the  Adven* 
itAet,  the  Sailbr,  the  Soldier,  and  especially  the  Ptib^ 
He  Ck>ntractor,  is  supported  or  enriched  on  the  public 
loss.  A  few  years  of  war,  will  make  many  rich  men 
poor,  and  some  poor  men  wealthy. 


I, 


■ii 


*  Dftl.  fat.  1^-***'  -ll;"I^f'>W#"4*;fe 


IMR. 


^Dfflltery  m,  t&  fhe  eficoti  of  unh^llby  f^vfH^ 
and^^t,  ae  wAlIarbyihe  swoi^  of  batUe^'iiiimi' jMl' 
at^kyoM,  and  If  af«  hehM  tbejn  tlie  widowjui^Jlia 
latberiaM,  bereaTe4andui}{iroteoMf  to  rtlatd^i^  U^ 
of  «oiTnw4^  Ifeavjr  lasation,  for  4he  present,  and  aff 
aaciiiiiiilai)iig  naUoiud  debt  for  ike  auccetiding  g^]«t 
lii^q}  are^anong  tlie«yilsiof^iclent  to  a^ontegt  l|ki 
ttis^  attd  in  aU  tfaeie  sufierings  we  clearly ;!«»  4lie,4% 
^%nation  of  ihxi  £iard«  Ite  appoioteil  tbeio  ev^| 
for  national  chastisement  :>  an4  tbe  fact  must  0 
proclaimed  in  Zion  as  tlie  work  of  thi  Lord.  It 
nmtt  hemf;  for  be  bath  pwrpoied  it:  and  it IHmM 
Wflo^foiriid  is  holy. 

*2l  7%e  War  is  a  TriaL 


.*»,•; 


It 'Would  be  fio  leu  comfortless  toourset^s,  ^aii 
ungr^eltil  tp  a  merciful  Gody  waie  Me  .to  consider 
the  eyils  which  he  brings  upon  us  iokly  in  the  ligbjt 
of  a  punishment  War,  like  other  evils,  is  oixlain- 
ed  forfrJol;  and^  as  Bueh^  Christians  will'lmpro?e  the 
dispensation.  WbHe  it  cofrectA  for  previous  and 
present  guSt,  it  makes  proof  of  the  remaining  good. 
Sik:h  was  the  principQl  character  of  4he  afflif^ti^na  of 
Job.  Such  were  the  sufibringsiof  primitive  persei 
€Uiion:  and  such  are,  in  a  great  measure,  the  evU^ 
of  a  nation  prosecuting  legitims^  warfare.  ^ 

In  the  present  state  of  this  country  the  f^omn^unity. 
if  severelv  tried-  as  tn  the  df^trree  o^  christian  lihe- 
rality  among  its  members— «8  to  the  patriotism  of 


1  \ 


Ml 


wn  wmnmm 


1% 


ifaffi  tnden  and  ihe  peopU-^r^ifaM-mto^  <^ 

tbeir  free  npablkaii  inslUutioiis. 

ihi^Uhari^^iafmind,  andla  wbat  4epi^h^slt 
aoMiQg  I«^  f»:ofesso]«^  Gharit]^  respectilig  Ifaetd^ 
fe#it<<t  ofHiiiona  of  christian  sects  and  deno«iiiiiatiflW^ 
llta^loiig  been  a  farourite  doetekie  la  iMs  4x>iMiti'/^ 
Wlielher  It  arises  frc^i  true  beDevaletice,  4)>r  leppa  in^ 
<dl6r6reiiGe4<>j!^ligioQ  itself,  remains  to  be  sfaciwii^  w  |f 
fitHn  true  benevoleace,  it  will  certainly  tiiuii^ 
over  political  animosities.  And  the  war  will^inaJie 
it  apjpear  whether  these  party  political  distinctions, 
wlsMi  have  so  long  and  unhappily  existed»<  C9it'  be 
made  to  yield  to  Christian  attachment  to  such  a  de- 
gree, as  that  brother  can  listen  to  a  brotber^and  impar- 
tially esteem  him,  and  Ipsre  him  still,  although  of  dlT- 
iirent  ii^timents  re^ctiog  the  charaeter  of.the 
pteaent  war.  Ghari^  i»  not  Umited^to  a  political  sect. 

~  Second,  Tl^  state  of  the  country  iloes  also  try  eC^ 
ftetually  the  degree  of  fMt^/t^m  which  ia  still  to  be 
Ibundin-theXJnited  States. 


fvit  wHl  show  how  far  a  man  is^^willing  to  suifer  for 
bis  country — How  far  he  is  ready  to  sacriice  views 
of  personal  interest  or  ambition — How  far  he  is 
prepared  to  give  up  with  the  pride  of  opinion,  sup- 
press the  prejudices  of  party  spirit,  cast  off  the  tram- 
mels of  that  electioneering  machinery,  wherewith  he 
has  been  held  in  bondage.  The  country  calls  for  Una- 
Bui^ty  in  i<epeUing  and  chaetising  the  foe.    In  the 


7 


tm  mmm  i^r. 


«fn«^h€it'«istl«^  tm  a^         _.^  „  -„^.,«^ 

to  tbe^iiolIow-heaFted  pttt^i^  1^  rel^itfe^,  to  ^ 
barrass  heir  counsels  ahd  proceedings,  andKkeJ9ht- 
uael,  ar  Jii*ttH«i,  t6  <Aifiie  bei-  i«r  guifty  ft^lToi^^Ood, 
iti  iiopJes  oC  rinngob^her  itiiy;  But  t}^i|i  ii^  dttil 
i^shm  the  true  tmtfldti  df^hirteTer patty,  l^in- 
llu^ceattd  his  adfiabf  hid«i»^dperationaiMsuj»|kM^ 
Wte  irlshesiahd  hia  ptayef a,  #111  be  offered  upM- 1^ 
iViAlnt^nance  of  the  cottieif  ^ith  adequate' i^dit^e^i, 
Afltil  tictoiy  iDroWn  with  ^udl^ss  the  efi^s  of  lib 
Is0iiiitty,  atid  t>rocUre  m  hoifciuirable  4iid>  a  pettalh, 
»«Bt  padfieaHon.         v#     ^ 


-,vf^". 


•■^^?- 


■!.■ 


The  patrfetic  statesman,  had  he  flersonafly  suffer- 
ed from  his  couptry  the  greatest  injuaticei  wouM 
MiM^i  iti  thfe  present  crisiSi'  8ife  AriMdes,  lb  bis  li^ 
^emimehit,  and  offer  hi^aeri^ices,  in  gitrthg  ^ffectlo. 
the  war^filr  the  good  of  his  country;  fir  ^*iff  do^^ 
prt>feis  Christianity,  who  will  permit  the  pagaiisltf 
Greece  to  exhibit  greater  degrees  of  disinterestednesi 
nnd^r  similar  circumirtances.  It  te  to  be  h6f)e^,  that 
in  this  hour  of  trial,  it  will  be  raaNl^  to  appear,  t^t 
Athenians  do  not  exceed  Americans  in /^/rtbltsm: 

Third,  The  present  war  is  a  trial  o*  our  rep^li- 
can  institutions. 


~-   *,i 


America  gave  to  the  ciirilized  world,  the  first 
specimen  of  a  country,  great  and  enterprbing,  ca- 
pable of  order  and  prosperity  without  kii^d,  without 
nobles,  without  degrading  the  lower  clasBei  of  tbs 
oommunky  into  a  ^te  of  lerfltude,  and  without 


ft* 


THE  dOOi' H^iCff  OF 


nakit^  of  r«%ibii  and  i«9  minlliteF^  «ii  ^^iiie'^ 
political  power.  Tbis  fact^is  kndwn  in  Ettro^.  It 
IS  already  admitted  every  wliere  by  men  capabte  ^f 
reileetion,  that  repuUicariism,  that  a  true  Rtfrtsmkh 
Hve^dmwstele^is  the  he^  fbrm  of^  gOTerdBfent  ^  a 
pei6[A§  at  peace.  But  can  k  endure  the  f  shock  of 
wtnrf  Thai  is  the  question  which  %a6  been  answered; 
1^  the  adrocates  of  arbitrary  power«  in  the  negative; 
Tliat  is  the  interesting  iquestion  now  in  trial  by  this 
WIft-.'  If  we  succeed  in  this  Contest,  the  sup^tioiity 
ol«%ur  political  institutions  mustbe  CTldent  16  our- 
si^lvei,  and  to  the  whole  woirld.  If  a  goVernmeht^ 
^pported  but  by  half  the  strength  of  the  Yiatidn, 
wfthout  fleets,  without  armies,  and  without  the  wealth 
Wbkh  ^ves  sinews  to  war,  dared  to  dedffre  bo^i^ 
tleiif;^  if  a  republican  government.  Without*  teteran 
soldiers,  and  without  experieneed  generald,  Isldmid 
capable  of  carrying  on  a  contest  with  the  hiost  pow-^ 
erful  nation  (m  earth,  a  nation  skilled  in  war,  at  the 
Tery  mme  of  her  greatness  and  gleiy,  vlctoHoiii» 
oter  all  her  other  enemies,  with  an  immense  disposa* 
l^b' force:  and  if,  under'sUth  eircums(ances>  we  can 
procure  aii  honourable  peacie,  then  is  our  fiNeedom 
secure,  then  shall  we  have  confidence  in  one  an- 
other, and  become  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

3.     The  nvcat  is  a  benefit. 


^  The  Lord  reigneth ;  let  the  earth  rejoice.  Clouds 
and  darkness  are  round  about  him:  righteousness 
«id  judgment  are  the  habitation  of  his  throne.  Zion 
kmrd  and  was  giad;  and  the  daughter  of  Judah  re- 


;np^  PBEssifT  WAj^ 


■'■■'•It 


imed.htmm  ^.th^  jvdgmenig,  O  hmL  Rejoice 
10  the  Imd,  ye  sjgbteou»>  and  give  ^thanks  at  the 
temembfaneeof  his  ht^iness^''* 


-.#-^ 


U 


Wi^ther  i  sht  H  be  afole»  my  chiiatiaii,  brelbi«^a. 
Id  specify  the  advaiitages  which  wHl  ftpw  fi[t>Qi  this 
Gootest  ornoti  I  know  weU  thai  God  intends  it  lor 
good.  Whether  1  shall  succeed  In  convincing  you> 
tbat  the  ejects  which  I  am  about  to  mentiop,  will  in 
fact  follow,  or  that  even  when  they  come  to  pass^ 
they  should  be  considered  as  a  public  benefit,  I^^pl 
not  now  Tent ure  to  affirm:  but,  aiall  events,  the 
saints  are  required  to  rejoice  in  his  jindgmenU;  and 
these  judgments  must,  of  course,  give  came  ofJ4jQf. 
Others  may  contemplate  the  prospect  before  th^ 
with ;  gloomy  apprehensions.  Let  them  cheerlesi^y 
easilheir  eye  upon  the  evil,  and  fall  into  desjH)ndeiic;f; 
Let  them  fret,  and  abuse«  and  curse  the  ^and  HHM 
smites  them;  but>  I  know  ih(U  aU  things  shall  work 
together  for  good.  Walking  by  faith,  our  eye  is  dje 
reeled  to  him  that  sitteth  upou  the  circle  of  the 
earth;  and  thus,  we  reconunend  to  his  care  our 
bleeding  country,  confident  that,  in  this  struggle,  in 
vindication  of  its  injured  rights,  he  will  avenge  our 
cause,  ■  and  execute  judgment  for  us. 

I  flatter  myself,  however,  that  I  shall  be  able  to 
point  out  some  good  effects  which  the  Lord  intends 
to  brkg  about  by  this  war.  ' 


t' 


\  I 


Timmoa»mmtma  of 


^■'^ 


,;j. 

'-^^v 


iFlril.  In  lis  vei^ 
Inal  lieiie^  TIib  suffetaigt  ^luch  it  cftuies,  w^l 
^^wrdse '^the  saiutt  to  godyDeM,^=an4  pitHnote  their 
holiness,  their  usefulness,  and  tiieir  firture^  ham>iness. 
Tk^  change  in  the  state  of  property  which  it  produ- 
«H|  must  iiif»ik»t«  in^the  bosom  (^r4he  irirtuous«  de- 
p^dence^on  Go4  the  only  unchangeable  good :  and 
as  to  i^em,  Lean  trust  to  the  wMom  oi  Jleaven* 
dbce  FGod  .knows  better  than  we  do,  in  whose,  hands 
the  multi^e  of  gold  and  silver  will  be  of  the  most^ 
ipiriue  in  the  world.  The  hayoc  wade  by  the  sword, 
eaits  off  many  of  the  wiciced  from  annoying  the 
•axth;  and  the  godly  who  fall  are. delivered  Jcom 
t^Ettptation  and  frouble,  and  hastened  home  to^the 
«4oynient  of  a  great  reward.  Immomlity  ita«if, 
will  in  fine  be  overruled  by  Him,  who  nambers  the 
hairs  of  our  head^  for  his  own  glory  and  the  w«l£ure 
wi-  his  chosen  sons  and  daughters. 


>^ 


^ 


Second.  The  American  war  brings  to  notioe, 
among  the  thinking  part  of  society^  among  the 
sdiiolars  and  the  statesmen,  throughout  the  nations,' 
great  and  important  principles  of  moral  order^  the 
knowledge  of  which,  has  been  heretofore  contindd 
to  a  few  of  comparatively  little  influence  in  the 
world. 


The  fi*eedom  of  the  seas  is  desirable  to  all  the 
nations,  with  a  single  exception;  and  thei«  is  not  a 
man  of  sense  in  the  whole  world  who  denies  its  equi* 
ty.    Were  you  to  call  together,  men  of  understand- 


itiKiy  WoffM  ut]^iinn4m6l3r'8tfd^inb«Biliitiiil^^^ 


^  It  i»  tAlbirly  iriiposgible  Oiat  judicioi»  tiMi»iirtfiil» 
ever  sayi  the  dominion  of  the  deep  imisl  of  d|^4|e 
Burrendered  to  some  one  kingdom,  and  k^fhe  i^st  of 
the  Nation*  beconte  tribwtaiy:  It  k  «IMrfy  ili^iMii- 
♦We  that  a  congiKBss  of  impai-tiai  flaen  ynMMm^,i^ 
ocfean irtigkt  <»f  i%bt%>  befor  ev^.«nd^«T«t  n^i» 
itbe  dominion  oi  England.    It  is  IndMil^id^  by«tite 
8up|)orteF80f  iEngHsbdaimson  Amei^ca,  4«  posseiaian 
gives  rigbfeto  terrko*yi  why  >ndt  to  tlie  0€»«a.^f Ji«f. 
laiid  has-  undi^ted  possession  of  ^e  deep^  phe 
Iberefore  ha»  a  fights  control  the  eomniei«e^|f(li& 
ifrorldi"    Who  makes  this  assertion?  Men  wbor#[^ 
they  are  themselves  the>iriends  of  eomieeff«o<i^|i|^ 
who  reflect  upon  their  own  government  as  if  it  were 
.KWfacndly  ti>  th)g  rig^s  of  -trade..  'I^yoHyniaieed, 
say  Ibftt  £ng^and4ias,iky  pQ89easidtti^«^aiaed^^^ 
<«»  rule  this  vR»rtis?<Trei^9a8s  not  upon  bsr  tepilti^. 
Sliyfiot  yowafie ^he  i^ieiKbof  unetni^iwrai^aed 4n^. 
uiidsten  to  nie,.ai3dfbeai' *my reasoning,  ^^^r^^ 
<^ly  ineoniidtent^  but  yotrai^aiRo^  entii«S|r  naistii- 
ken  about  the  matter  of  fact.    Britain  never  bad  im* 
disputed  possession  of  the  seas.     Spain,  Frances 
Holland,  tb^ai^nied  neutrality  of  tb©  Noi^,  idl  the 
nations  of  the  civilized  world  ibavecontend€»d?/l»' 
equal  rights  on  the  deep.    This  republic  last,  thoMg^ 
not  Ihe  least  sucqessfuWy,  bia»(i?indlqa]M  btsi^^^^^ 
an  equal  share  of  maritime  rights.    As  the  airgq^nt 

28 


VjT- 


^m^ 


inm^m>t»mmmcmmt 


A 


!«i|ipHg!^iitrf|iEiiloi|4e»  If  poBsessbii  it  adenilted  i» 
gi««i(«|jlle  t6  «niappr<^riaied  laii4a;  il  49  beoause  te 
fwibrai  good  of  soQiet}^  is  {)troiiM^<i  by  ibe  cultirti^ 
tkii^  the  soi}.  Unoccupied  territory  is  for  the  time 
useleM.    Bui^whp  can  im|)roYe  or  eultiyate  the. 

J   /         \  '.,..._.  ■.:.-.  ,       _     -,- 

l^h^e  is  iKhanalogy  between  the  two  cases;.  Th^ 
se«i  ti»  tba^  highway  of  the  nations  of  the  earths 
^htt  gttieraK  adi^Dtage  is  -pro«ioted  by  the  umnter^ 
n^^  enjoyiiient  of  that  Wghway,  and  not  by  the^ 
Beitisb  ^aim&^of  exclusive  ooeupancy^t  The  indi-> 
▼liiialinaaoR  which  ur^s  by  power  *  right  to  jriil^ 
tbei  wa^es^  resembles  ^not  ibe  ku^iwdmmi  who  takes 
liiloliis^aB^ssbn,  and  improiiesa  part  of  the  wilder- 
mMi^^lmikJskeikeMigkimymmirfho  Interrupts  the 
«||telkEr  «Q  the  pnblie  road^ 


Ir*: 


■Mm 

l^eapoiogisfs  of  Great  Pritain,  moreover,  ift 
M^4lttsvai^gnm«ttt,.okimarigbt.frbirfi^^^  Prince 
SlmM  hiqwetf  will  notvyentiimto  claMs  before  the 
w^^iM^,  -fiis  iiair^  feequontiy,  indeedM  ieo  fret^uenl^ 
](^l9i^h«i»|>oseroftinlioni,  practises  aaif  hedid  claim 
1^  rights  bwl  Ae^iftMif*  are  awam  that aa  open 
aioH^l  woul^be  miiderstood,  by  aU  men  of  sense,  as 
a'?#elaratiw  «f  ho^ilitie«  against  cbilized  man. 
Tli^^willi  of  ^urse,  endeavour  to  evade  the  ques- 
tkiiil  ift  Ibe  4n^ieiH>nvenient  policy. 

WHw  mif^itaptmf^  of  the  social  compaci^  a& 


;  «^ft«»e^»4«»<ijfYy»        ^ff    1... _^     ^_        J • 


^mm-immnmtmjmi 


4eelM«d  is  **"^'"^~^f '^-^    n  fnirrpurf  iirrrfuiijf  Li 
^te«il»'  0tKl  yeHokmkHry^^upckk  Ihr  pttt  nf  ynilh  wiwiimi 
'VI4II  i»  ^eonsequence  of^  tbii  mtat  Imoma^m  mmeff^^ 
iiibf«  general  exftiittmtioii.Ii knot  merely  §o^imm 

edfoy^tiieGoyenior  of  the  world :  it  «at4«r  aiUitkato 
the  principles  of  national  morality  with  which  HbeM 
practicat  questions  are  necessarily  associated.  1^ 
pnper  itidetieiidency  of  nationa,  eac^of  all4>tben,%a 
Btttject^  ciDiDdderiHiioB;  The  Irue  ottUtre  oiM/Agi' 
-aiiket  doe  in  prepcniitMi  4o  the  jn^iOe^iUm  nudet^^uM 
J^  'j(»i#  «fi^fifed(»  fa  ^  e  4i>  Tiews  so  iMH^to 

nMilBtikili  the  idea  that  man  Is  as^^  fi«e  to>«lioeiei>lii 

l«dde»o^  as  hfa  employmen^tMH  coimtiy  «frbi8^^4^ 
hfaralef  as  liislsei>i^iiit:  the rightcr of  indysti^  ««fl 
Gomtnereml  intercourse,  to  be  equably  granted  4oldl 
the  nslUbig ;<  and  ftdndtted^  by  «fh0r&  tb  bo^jwitlmii 
restraint,  while  prosecute  x^nly  and^  lionDdl«ti|^ 
are  hereby  made  a  subject  of  general  attention  and 
dfaotunfoiil  >  ^b«B^'t<^cs  ave  inrgedatafi  inteivisl^ 
^(islt  in  this  ekitizedworld-^y  the  abilllyadd^i^ 
^ueaee'ol  oiMr  seeretariet^aiid  aBnbassadors-^bnHc 
I)»af«i7'l»f  ^oiir  tro^p^  aiid^tbe  success  ol  our:  ships 
ofwSTi  dmy  ar«  forced  upon  the  ucHice  of  kin^iKiii 
€^  emperoors ;  of  phildsopbers  and  of  poets ;  i^inm^ 
chafltt,  of  foediiniics,  itf  luisbandinen ;  yea,  ^i^«M 
ra^Es  of  nieiit  They 'will  thus  command  a  ves^et 
whieh'pblitldans'W^^ld  scorn  to  yield  to  the  inai:- 
ims  of  equity,  or  to<  the  gitet^epts  of  the  wdrd  of  Bpd, 


"  ITAtVif.  By^^P6-pi«set)t  contest,  America  will  ac* 
^re  #Te{ipic^b|e  cbaraot^i'  ia  the  family  ^na^ 
lions. 


*.j.;i-. 


Tm  tioon .  nvi   mpoF  • 


S^^htii^ IpngJiBen  abused  and  insulted  for  her 
ptW^ul  demeanour.    The  belligerents  of  Europe 
a^tfid  laii^rds  this  country,  as  if  it  had  beemfom^ 
HmBfUed.    The  weakness  of  Ihe  goTernmenti  the 
cowardice  ofthe  people,  and  above  all,  the  avidity 
of  the  mercbwits,  were  subjects  of  scorn  and  con- 
teaq^t  abroad:  but  the  shame  is  removed ;  the  vetc- 
rwi0<  Wellington  attest  the  prowess  of  our  troops ; 
and Jl?^  world  is  astonished  at  the  facility  with  which 
oi||:^val  herpes  have  conquered,  when  they  met 
uppntermsof  equality,  thos6  who  had  conquered  all 
oth^r  nations.    The  American  character,  in  argu- 
ment, wd  diplomacy,  in  the  council  and  up6n  the 
field,  now  stands  ^nfessed;  and  this  is  a  guarantee 
against  future  insolence  and  aggression. 

nMrnth,    As   another  effect  of  the  contest,  the 
American  name,  respected  abroad,  will  communi- 
cate at  home  the  impulse  of  patriotism.    The  love 
of  country,  weakened  by  femHiarity  with  its  ene- 
mfes,  and  destroyed  by  the  love  of  wealth,  shortty 
afte^the  war,  which  established  the  independence  of 
Aanerica,  will  be  revived  by  this  second  war  of  inde^ 
pendrntee;   and  the  several  monied  interests,  which 
are  set  in  .  peration  independently  of  British  com- 
merce, as  well  as  the  growing  influence  of  domestie 
literature  and  arts,  wiU  serve  to  cherish  that  passion 
m  the  breasts  of  the  rising  generation.    Hereaft^ 
they  will  take  an  honourable  pride  in  the  deeds  of 
their  statesmen  and  their  warriors;  and  it  will  be  felt 
by  themselves,  and  known  to   others,  that  on  a 

niIAa#irkn    j^f    4Vv~^:__     «^.  .. 

ncans.  ■ 


BMMWr^l 


ei'i 


^A'  "^Iw  *»etrin»*«xprtri«ti*ni  and  fte  Iftie 
nature  «f,^legiMce  aad  protectJon,  being  hertifter 
HU^  undemtood.    will  enooumge  the  bed  pm 
J>C.«he  ProteriaoUrf  Ew«pe  to  ^eek'  an  iwyfcL' 
in  tJw*  lands,  in  <he  day<,f  tei.1  andof  dartrttete. 
which  awaits  thenv  in  t^ir  own  colttrtiy.    I„  taib 
should  we  conceal  from  ourselves  the  awful  truths 
Europe,  tte  Xa/f,  earth,  the  scene  of  antfcbristfam 
perswution.  is  tosufferrooit^  infinfeiy  more,  than  it 
hM  done  m  the  last  twenty  yeats.    The  rejoidm^ 
which^have  taken  place -atihe  Restoration  of  m 
Popish  powers,  shall  be  changed  tdlamentaUon  and 
wo.    The  samts  must  yet  suflfer  bef,«,  the  iHtnesse^.' 
hBBh  their  testimony  j  and  ki  America  thousands  vd» 
yet  seek  for  hospkality  and  repose,    l-hey  will  4 
encouraged,  from  the  well  known  fact,    that  we 
have  vmdicated  by  the  sword  the  i*ht»  <tf"<he 
*an«^r*        .  .  .„_   .    ,^  .,,^" 


b«n  pre.  „p  by  tte  go,emme„, ,  ^„,  ta^y  U><>  ilb^tkmtZ 
-ecrf™  h«. »»«««..    T*«.4te  .i™„r  Gd*  m  Mikti,^ 

«fepn«^  „pon  My  „.«»„.    The pri«ip,e i.  oa,  own.    AlH»' 
«?».«  of  othe«  i,,  not  to  i,^„re  i,.  by  tWir  pActlce:  Sb»  b«r  bom- 
miWioneMof  »«.e«  «««)ip,eMly  iwlnwte*,  ir.rti'to  jfehftb^mfc- 
cipletattieclaia»ortliero*. .     ,    .'         ... 

,  ■     ^.■,;'.-.*s-'  ■  ..i  :•    ,u,  -.M-T,  tfAit*     ^t-^'-ti-    ^.,i,-- 

Bxinw*  from  the  b^mctiom  <f  V*tMxe€uibeto.mmmmsUm^i, 

<^ted  June  25^  ldil4* 
"  The  United  Sbies  having  rewsted  by  war  the  prMttcc  of  inu 
pressmeiit,  and  contid^ed  the  >wtr  aht!f  ^haf  pra^^  ^ 


222 


THC  <IOOXl. 


Ol 


i^lVTe  haira  abundantly  shown^  kr  •  piPeceding  di»i 
course,  the  absuid  coniequences  of  denying  tbe 
Hgkt  of  expaXruUiony  to  man.  We  baire  charged; 
liioreoTer»  the  court  of  Britain  with  inconsistency,  In 
gniating  naturalization  to  otberSj  while  clain^ing  per^ 
petaity  of  aliegiance  to  themselfes. 

il  am  perfectly  aware  that  British  statefimen  of  no 
meaftname,  andlfaeir  apologists  in  the  United  States, 
do  sdet  admit  the  justice  of  this  charge.  They  plead 
tb^  correctness- and  the  cotiiistency  oftbe  Jiegehff 
i«cent  proclamation^  recalling  his  no&'ve  subjects,  and 
threatening  to  treat,  as  traitors^  alt  such^  who  an^ 
found  in  ai'ms  against  him:  But  I  am  also  sensible, 
that  the  court  of  Britain,  haughty  as  it  is,  dare  noi 
execute  that  threatening  in  its  flill  ettent.  ft  basal-' 
rcad;^  be^n  alarmed  at  the  cdtinter  threatening  of  a 
terrible  retaliation.  In  tain  am  I  told  that  the  emi- 
grant  must  remain  on  American  ground  in  order  to 
be  ssfe^that  be  must  never  bear  arms  agaihst  his 
first  rulers^-^4bat  he  must  never  venture  upon  the 


«»]lt||jce  in  SiMTOpertheir  object  has  been  esientialiy  <rt)tained  for  the 
{ucei^t  it  mi^  reatonably  be  expected^  that  the  mrrai^ement  con- 
template ««k)  provided  for,  will  take  effect  before  a  new  war  '^i 
Btttdpe  ahall  farnieh  an  occasion  for  reviving  the  practice.  ShouM 
IhisWMiigeinent,  hdwever,  fail,  and  the  practice  be  again  revived, 
tbe^&ditedJ^tates  will  be  again  at  Kbertf  to  repel  it  by^ar;  and 
tUU  thiey  wlU  do  ao  eannot  be  doabied^  for  after  the  proof  which 
they  have  already  given  of  a  ttm  resistance  in  that  mode  persevered 
ijD^ntil  the  practice  had  ceased,  under  circumstances  the  most  un- 
favourable,  it  cannot  be  presumed  that  the  practice  will  ever  be  to- 
1erai«d  again.    Certain  it  is,  that  every  iday  will  render  it  more  in- 


J^^' 


tfitm  rBrnmav  wab. 


•r*f. 


or  it  b  iicit^    If  it  i»  not  ^  right,  remaining  on  Aine- 
rican  ground  canilot  make  it  so,  or  free  the  a^ 
science  from  guilt  in  the  oath  of  naturalizatiom    If 
it  ia  a  right,  it  oonstiUites  an  obligation  to  defend 
the  cause  of  the  country ;  and  a  voyage  to  sea  does 
not  alter  its  nature.    You  admit,  while  defending  the  * 
claims  of  British  domination,  you  admit,  that  slie  has 
a  law  in  her  8tat«te-book  for  naturalizing  men  oi  fo^ 
reigh  hirtb,  not  merely  in  order  to  people  her  land  ^ 
but  principally  with  de«i|ii  Jo  navigate  her  vessels^ 
and  to  fij^t  her  battles  on  the  ocean :  And  will  you 
be  so  inconsistent  as  to  ui'ge  upon  adopted  American 
citizens  the  necessity  of  confinement  to  the  shores? 
No,  this  19  not  your  apology.    I  know  what  it  is.    I 
vmll  know  what  the  lords  of  the  admiralty  direct  ta 
be  said  in  their  behalf,  upon  this  eut^t.    They 
would  say,  England  indeed,  by  statute  hw,  "natu* 
ralizes  foreigners,  but  by  cowmow  faw  allegiance  ia 
unalienable.    America  too,  by  law,  aaturalizes  fo- 
reigners,  andsftfarwe  dp  oot^object;  iait  hew  is  ^^ 
difference.    England  gives  up,  to  the  natural  sove- 
reign, the  su^eet  for  execution  a«  a  traitor:  and 
never  protects  the  adopted  citfxen  against  the  claims 
of  his  native  state.    You  profess  to  protect,  like  na- 
tives, your  adopted  citizens.    We  are  not  incopsist* 
ent:   wr  claim  our  own  subjects  to  be  punished  for 
treason ;  and  we  will  give  up  your  citizens,  whew 
you  demand  them,  for  the  same  purpose." 

Horrible  apology !  criminal  consistency !  And  is  this 
your  vindication?  Isthis,  indeed,  your  boasted  politi- 


ittt  Q^ff^fvt&tn  OF 


ft'-i 


cil  morality  ?  You,  by  yoiir  dwn  cbnfeflalon,  invite  the 
unwiry*  to  your  servibe ;  you  allure  them  to  treason : 
you  tempt  them,  you  impress  them,  you  deceive 
them  by  the  solemnities  of  an  act  of  your  parlla- 
meht  •  and  yet  you  will  not  protect  them:  but  ^ive 
llieOi  up  Tor  traitors  to  the  hand  of  the  public  execu- 
tioner, (jreat  God,  how  deplorably  mistaken  must 
thdse  'christians  be,  who  consider  such  a  government 
as  this,  as  beconiing  a  moral  and  religious  comraum- 
tj^f  *A  gbverhment  which  pledges  the  public  faith 
lilth  the  express  design  of  **deceiving  and  destroying 
iiWi  who  trusts  in  it  for  prdtectiort.  Righteousness^, 
^^kte&HSness  (mly,  eiaiteth  a  nation,  but  sin  is  a 

"Ir^pfr&aeh  to  any  petite. 

*  <•       '   '  1.  •  • 

Siirrt.  The  present  war  appeai-s  destined  of  tjie 
tlsad,  io'sulfseriieiKe  cause  of  the  kings  d/  the  iast  in 


Mii^ii^  the  maters  of  Euphrates,* 


7 


H/« 


..;«^ 


'''rT^nh  a  war  for  cbnrimercial  freedom,  and  agalHst 

ffli^  BHtrsh  mon6|)6ly. ,  It,  is  a  contest,  not  only 

%o  prf  veit  the  recolonizatibn  of  thesfe  stktes,  but  ailso 

^ihe'Pi^ideiiceof  6od  for  extending  the  princi- 

*p1el  of  f^eschtefiic  iemocrdcy—ih^  blessings  of  |i- 

t)eiiy»  In^W  rightiof  self^^ 

"*^tpmes  of  iiu^^^       which  arc  found  to  the,  north 

'  wid  io^lhe  fe<)utB  of  us.;  Like  the  wars  of  the  o^d 

world,  ii  is  a#eld  frbm  subjugation  to  the  Spanish 

colonies,  struggling  for  emancipation  to  the  south ; 

and  independently  of  the  idea  of  conquering  Canada 


*  See  pages  205—207. 


by  our  armt,  H  teaches  to  its  inhabitants  the  bene  .„ 
of  peace  with  the  United  Stales,    It  will,  in  its  con- 
sequences, diminish  their  attachment  to  England, 
and  instruct  theirt  in  the  value  of  liberty.    The  ?*iy 
opposition  which  is  made  to  this  war  is  the  m%mm  of 
ultimately  strengthening  the  American  democr^ry. 
Whatever  may  be  the  designs  of  the  leaders  of  tbat 
opposition,  the  arguments  employed  by  them  an 
dimoeratic,   and  these  wiil  not  be  forgotten.    T^ 
appeals  which  are  made  to  ihe  people  will  maka  iha 
people  still  more  sensible  of  their  own  strength 
and  importance.    The  societies  which  are  fornifidb 
whether  to  support  or  to  oppose  the  administratbn, 
are  so  many  small  democracies,  wluch  still  tend  to 
promote  the  principles  o^  civil  liberty.    I'hey  aiv 
jneohinical  institutions,  conducted  with  all  the  zeal, 
lor  power;  but  with  more  iol^ligence  and  ofdfr» 
than  the  Parisian  associations.    Nay,  the  i  try  coi^ 
VENTioN  of  the  Eastern  states,  and  all  i\w  opp^sitioa 
which  the  measures  of  this  government  hav^pro- 
foked  in  that  part  of  our  coantiy,  are  prv:;(iicat«4 
Upon  the   principles  of  democracy.    The  w»|^|^ 
self,  and  all  the  strife  and  the  contention  which,  it 
has  produced,  must  therefore  be  considered,  m  Xhm 
Providence  of  God,  as  the  means  of  destruction  to 
the  slavish  doctrines  of  the  old  world,  and  as  i^li^ 
Oimtely  tending  to  the  general  emancipation  of.  ^m 
human  ra<je  from  the  bondage  of  despotism  and«u# 

/  29 


I 


^3f*5i'iSHj8^;/!«Jr^ 


C&NCJLUI9I0N, 


in 


Wk^^SH^,  hreihr^nf^i  a  gmeral  (moMeipaUon,  8i||^ 
f!OitiLMMidmi^inates  the  benevotent  .exertions  pf  t^ 
i|Mwii  l*bilftQtbrof»6t.  JParfy  wiU  indeed  irejoice^ 
Id  an;'  BFent  that  may  have  an  auspicious  bearing ,up»^ 
on  the  desired  elevation  of  a  favourite  leader  to 
ffiHror.  &$l8Afie«siwiU  rejoice^  in  whatsoever  Umdn 
^idC|»o{iMiie  its  |>iirate  gratificatiop,  should  H  J;)e  at 
#ie  ej^nse  of  a  nation's  in^e^pen^enc^  and  hououx;. 
JiiVt  itUai  tiMgim^e^>§y(0y  event  to^he  meridian 
liney  ^^  work  o£tJie«ua  Christ  Jbr  the  salvation  of 
lEQtiH  oB^^stoates  tb^tir^lue  of  such  evenly,  in  pro^ 
fOrtSonIo  Ihi^ir  lendene^  m  ^brir^ing  abouf  p&ace  vp- 
0mMmi^gmijils^4lMmrii&  tn^ti  Qf  all  kindred^  m^ 


»*i| 


rj»|aH<:^  {^y:  «-JM,y 


«»illb^  ehrilti^^^^it  isioC  a  diffusive^  an  a(;;tiv#,  ,ini 
^^hrged^eo^vol^nee,    U  seeks ^i%^, the  kingddm^ 
IWKisie*!^  ^  tlts^  fi:4gtoi3ii9aes9 ;  «nd  fiever  ceases  ?  ^ 
p^an^  Ao  J^S!lf)miky  th^  M  ^Pm*    it  sei^s  4he 

iM7eii^ro«|.^  jiil^fiiklse  principle^  of  all  inuQor^l 
pmdtgraf^^  t9[pin<^,viuli(|  of  all  irreli^on.,  Infi- 
M^:^i^lsi^fipoer\$%>  Cf^iTui^nMin  iniatters  of  rejUgiim, 
■mm  idikj^^ljeetd  of  ksMif eKpon^  Knowledge>^.f^rtHe, 
Mimt^^  fighl«DU8noss,  these.ar#  ^he  objects  of  pious 
iVd^d ;  and,  in  pfopor^on  to  the  prevalence  of  tf ue 
religion  in  the  heart,  will  man  be  desirous  to  see 
these  blessings   esttendejd  thrpughout  the  nations^ 


I  ■ 


is^fmmnoifi 


^m 


That  they  shall,  in  tinae,  be  so  extended*  mhitk 
promised  who  is  able  also  lo  perfonn.  The  promise  is» 
however,  accompanied  with  a  tbreateniog  to  ,tibofl0. 
Bations  that  know  not  God,  ttnd  obey  not  theg^ri* 
^us  saith  m  JjoHD  OoBy  Mm^e  UtemtOm^md 
^ke  off  the  crimm-^lnnUmiBrimm,  ^et^um,  p^e^^ii^ 
^;  and  it  shall  be  mi  more,  mmh^emefwhmwi^ 
^is;  and ImMgif^itkim* 

It  is  tills  overtufHit^  whkb  astonishes  tbe  natioai 
and  makes  the  peopfe  afraid.  Weha^e  seen  iwiich 
4f  it  come  tt>  pasfi^  in  the  jajt  t^^iy  ^^^ ,  ^^^ 

mdre  remains  stttl  to  be  a^e^|4l*eA    fmlMl 
^  tbe^  work  of  jitdgihetttacjooMing^^t©  the  Ihreaiei^ 
U^  many  who  have  pteaidlbeproMj»iha^ce««gi| 
«6m  their  praye^r.    Thei«  tvas  i  lia^  ^^len 
f  hurdie«r%em  earnest,  in  Ihfelr^iii^jpKcalteii^ 
downfal  of  anticbrist—wben  aU  f  rotestant  D|Ui« 
and  people  were  united  in  seeking  the  overtbfoir  iPi« 
««e vfiftiitt^bf  ^  and  of  a^^^^  i^^j 

TM«  time,  alar!  is  now  m  vmttn  A  tetmMm^^ 
l^ollfty,  a  sii|»i«dalfai«^«B4wxJoiModatlsaf  mo^^ 
^ve^icceededi  in  dftstrd^ngii  taeli^fia- abte.^«|. 
^nm\  (Hfifcussion;  in  ^fitinfeybg  the  ai^iir^  d^ 
i^Ofion;  and  in  eonclliJi^gj^^r  the  ^k^  of  eait^ 
PeA^re  and  gdn,  theaffettkfir^ofttemifribtewiyri 
i«embei^  of  the  Churebes  tmmt^  the  §mm  ttmm^ 
tlonof  religion  in  the  woi^d  effected  by  the  s^pi^^ 
liMi^eiS^abii^hiiieiits  of  tbe£ii»opeftn  natbns. 


Lm 


' 


*B7ek.  xxi.  SiLltr. 


cdfr^untHM^i 


Aiii^Vdl^  few,  I  ^peat  tile  letnarl^  v^ith  fear  aiid  sor** 
liftWj,  I  repeat  H  witli  gloomy  anticipations,  as  it  re* 
i^p^^  tbose  churches  tbemaelves,  th#re  are  very  few 
,^  db<(>|H^hlic]y  pray  for  Ihe  dowirfal  of  antichrist.  An4 
3NH  tilr^  the  principal  ot^ct  which  the  Lord  ha<(  in 
view,  in  dashing  the  potsherds  of  the  earth  against, 
tfiv^tiherds  of  the  earth. 

To  this  object,  the  hopes  of  the  church  were  lon^ 
^  .ecledtf^m  afar.  Mode^m  wann  in  the  great  scheme 
dfFrovidanee,aredestinedtc  realise  these  hopes^  B^ 
leirnhk  things  in  rigkteoumess  tviU  thou  answm  its,  O 
&4i4(f^3/ur  stilmHon,*  Of  that  grand  scheme,  the  con^t 
test)  in  wl^h  our  Wn, country  Is  engaged,  is  a  part, 
flieh^or^  do  I  declare  in  Zion  that  it  is  the  work 
of  tlue  Xord  pur  God.  I  hope  witb^  respect  to  tis^  the 
cofitest  wp  he  aNFl'--*tb^  <nir  country  wiU  esca^ 
1^  trial*  without  iijury  to  kai-epublican  institutions^ 
WiChout  dlminutioQ  of  it^  honour  or  power  i  wHho# , 
d|ittie«tiberni^<;  anfl  without  curtailing  the  rights  4:^1 
Its  citizens/  But  It  is  in  the  old  world  the  principal 
s^nes  of  this  tragedy  are  exposed  to  yiew«,  The 
natiMrt  of  Eui^ofie  a«6)  it  is  true,  now  at  peace  wit^  ^ 
e«ie  another.  The  awful  storm  is,  at  once,  unex^ 
peiftedly  and  surprisingly  hushed.  There  is  a  caliK|» 
The  troubled  ocean  isfltill.  It  will  liot  long  continue 
iu  this  state*  Against  these  imtions  there  is  wrath 
firom  Mm  that  sits  on  hi^h»  Ignorance  may  fa^er 
Itself  that  the  era  of  the  repose  of  nations  is  arrivf4*>^ 


*  Psalm  IxT.  5. 


€0ii^!il;lkDr/ 


m- 


ii*  f 


:^>- 


p^rsonrffgjiir^ha 'party  fiiiT^ser  »f  i^  i^M' 
nfi  five  to  i^tract,  some  of  0u  Virill  1IH  ti  ^ ar  fes- 
tifh<my  Jto'tfi^  d^liistert  %h{cb*  fli^  hav6  y^ 
Ui^pt^ci\m    Trt  tairthak  IT  beteii^  dssfert^d^  tliK^  W 

IS  secured.  That  man  is  hftJe^  filter:  E^te 
^ch  astonish  us,  have  come  to  pass  in  a  few  months. 
Wliile  in  the  heijp  of  his  poorer  h€!  ^^of  an  db- 

ttt^  t^rates' wWd/ Circle  the  I^I^mt  of  EfNi^  W' 
ndW  rteitti^  th^  |)fetttfWf  dvi^W^^m  !ibr  ttr  otteet 
of  tail' fcbnt^mpt.  W^afiiiain  ttie  h^it^V^f  boVv^ 
in|lo  the  risff^stin,  not-  of  ieaftiy^hii^^j^ ^i^. 
m^#ho  aife  str^ed  ot^  al^thbrft^;  i\«ft(^1i4^^ 
sc«S^dlh  a'  Ki|^r  degffee'tbatf'usualiy  fkll/toT  Mtof 

of  prfhces  lof  rby«r  bioofd.  1%  imm;kdimt€i0: 

decfeioh of  chiracteiVi^nra^^  inth^  flfeW,  Indfiitl^ 

itf  ^  M|ciC    my^  ii^ioil  ihd  iiibral%^^«(^%|^ 
stieK  as  we i^lftr  ^tgtfe|i|)j^t>Bati<irt^^ 
tK0S4   of  UnsatictlM>i4i^^  W  tfmJMtkmi 
He  wa^  betrayed;    H^-flil;  ind  F^frcl  fe  ^|^ 
With  him.    The  \ao«if5d#is  ajr^^stbrld.    l4i^  ^ftwi^ 
hasr^ssum^d'hismiti^:    tfad  iii^|^^^%s  s^ill^ 
th^  iHStrumeAts  of  tortiire  in  its  '|lbomf  c^i^ 
Ift  tfi^  reStbrSiioii  of  the  Germabie^mpii^,  ihefM 
hidif^  thiheast  \^xti6m  Corisjiicudasly'^^v^i!^  ^»^ 
ymt  '^nd  itf  tli^  ^(flii^feiflr  of  the  ba^^^E^p^ 
w  among  the  antichrisUan  nations,  the  ten  horns  may 


.  i^m:i  -^ 


%m 


c^mm^mi^^ 


ir 


a|^ii»  be  moi«'distiii€tl}r  displayed  before  ibe  ^bi 
nwrf  is  poured  out  py  the  «ngel  of  deatruction. 

.The  end,   however,  is  not  y^t.     The  pea4  *tf 
Bsf^  cannot  be    permanent     A  day  of  retti^ 
biitten  coineth.    The  scourge,  which  God  employed 
fe  tife  piinishnifetatdf  guilty  communities,  is  iwl^ed 
laid  aside ;   but  although  'Napoleon  i^uld  tm^ 
again  attract  the  attention  of  the  citiliaed  worMj  kl- 
stniment^  of  equal  tinguish  to  offending  natSphs,  wHf 
beettipfeyed  by  Him  who^heth  pledgedliis  wdki 'for 
^ir  entii^  overthrow.    We  never  considered  M 
events;  which  proceeded  from  the  French  involution, 
inf  any  6ther  light  than  as  Judgtnehts  from  the  liortf 
upon  the  antichristian  earth.    They  werf^  not  iHi 
saints  of  the  Most  High,  but  the  votaries  of  the  man 
^l#iikt  siffferediit^  the  recent  W^i*    Perhaps 
^0im''ms  not  ofte  *hi^    finUne^s  {<k  th6^   caUste 
^the  liOrd,  idho  sulfei%d  martyrdom  ditMii^th^ 
wittle  French  revoluiti^.     M^my  rea!  chri^i^y 
perifeh^d  M  4he>feifei  l»  'iras  nk^  cowdermied  tosm 
liimi^his^  blood  Ae  UMimnyibM^he  heM,  biJt%H 
fi!^  otfiei^lttiBe  indiscrAniriate  calamkies  of  the  pe* 
W^  efrthquiflre.    R  is  ^inst  the  titit)ne8^f ^tllte 
l^i^%lrttfties  th^t  ttte  blood  of  «ie  rtiartyi^  js 
aifling  fo!^  i^ngeittccr  and  so  fer  al^ihe  tJ^nif^ 
States,  in  the  present  war  with  Great  Britain,  contend 
for  libf^y  ^nd  rigMeousnes^,  they  la-e  cooperating 
wfth  the  martyr^  iii/opposingth^t  nation  Ivbich  is 
^w  the  primpal  stuipport  q/  the  m<m  ^  sin. 


,*u 


i^yf^' 


<XM!Ka«>*W 


'm 


:3  ^Tf'^^^^^'^^'^^^ 

^te  ftrthfaj  m««t«B  of  Chdst  give.  Witt.  Ztae 
W~bataoB,.tt«^oM(,  rtafcyw^ «»« tori »few«S 

!?!l.T  f  r  ^  *°"'""»'  '^*  °*«*".  I  have  . 
nght  to  declare  my  «n«mente;  and  in  doing  ao.  iaa 
^•f  «»pect*w  «ho«  wlwdifler  from^I  J^ 
ttot^-mewlaot,«f  ifase  «ntiB»HU  being  o^ 
«*«^,W  country,  «,d  ite  ««.*en.ment.  infl* 
^«t.^«  1^*  m»OR  .V  comteBwing  them  «,. 

,j;|*,ip  spoken  n,«„  this  s^bject.  j»,j.if««j,^ 
J^,*.ea4  of  religion,  a«lliheny_«  ai:^^ 
f?pAytefK.n.  wen,  from  .rbitwuy  power.  X- 
^nerv,  iBj  dearjiewrg,  ^ere  of  that  StaOm     ftiu- 

wral  jp«nc,ple|,.  which,  ,1  b„e  .,|j«««^^ 
Wir.  and  ha»e  been  from  the  dai^  ofX^eC 
flWMo,.  F«Hg8  from  oon*oience.*  TM^S 
lj».  ,«r«#j.t,^ianfc    the  ,M«^^,«,rewtedS 

«.  ioog  .ivM«i.  The  „.«  p.,,,-  r^,™„u'"tterr;;rars 


a 

■■:i  1 


m 


-'wQaHwliiKWBQOf* 


i: 


m^ 


iMoe  l»riiietpiM»  to  tiieirt  fiilbM  <ll|»po^^ 
Ika  tlirMi^  iiiid  to  pmliM^^r  of  iyrtoiiieia-Biig« 
Imid*  Tko  nf»Btiinei4«  (^  liieip  faith  wA  tim$ 
•ulSfeiiags,-ar«  still  to  be  misb  jbj  tbe  Imr^l^jr,  j^ 
#vQrj&  paii^f  tbit  guUtyJao4ia,  ««l  tlwir  Mao4,  lik^ 
thai  j>f  A^l»  slili.callt  for  ?eQgeaw:e  up€»ti<te  9U0<; 
v»:  oC  tb»  peraeiciitors*  tibe  aclvocates^  ^f  %§ 
%    ,f n  and  the  miti^-^tbe  British  Tow«94        ^     ^ , 


>  The  ^it  of  Irue  religioB  is  fviencUy  to  iivil  li- 
iM^^  It  hfifl^appeiifed  to  be  m  in  ^jety  empi^* 
Siimm<3f.,ikie  raotst  failiiful  wiuisten^  amaog  therd? 
hmrnm  wilfa  j^alFicytic^  aiipnv  chqIqbcM*  even  m'l^ 
tba  8woid,4ii  4e%noe  of  llieur:«!inlf«iid  ^reUg^HiJiJili 
ImMtI^ds^    Uucic  ZuiN^E»  the  inorning-star  >^4]^ ■  1%^ 


i-'/iH4-'' 


:m 


>i<!|i!f  1^  |[A^«*  The  <^n|qLJ^<^  foii|;d  a  res»j^^maeptiifim 
tbe  CQurtien  and  the  Polish  baiidHti,  in  Ireland,  to  wionill^e  ap- 
fferfatbidf^Ttwy  i^aA^d»*^lltt#*€»«»^^^ 

**  They  were  for  eonfildiig  tbe^royaf  prerogattVe  iwMin  t^  tfnitti 
«f  theiaiv,  for  WdbhfliAiB  ^efr'iUlvenaries^isharged  themwitii 
r^Atttm  |»r»»^/<?i|  afnd  ^d  tb^  the  i<e^flbf|il  araie  >  of 
Wkthti  a  Baittie  jCr^r  |ii^  fe<lke  me»r'  rigid  Sovemmtpts^  The  T^- 
^ifmiit  1nt&  a)r  f^lKteit  <^rt  me^iur^  lA^ 

iMm§^hiiA-Nmhnik^meiHrMf»hi4i^f^>mt(  iiilie»  of  thsit  imfKM^ 
«%  Whoi^f^  bn^aehed  il^^l>d|^Meil  th#  Bii«aiw  lo  eBii«re  a  great> 
[^  of  %  wdrld/*    J!^^f^mi.  $*urit0na,yiU,  m  jk  5% 

'«  The  na^  i>r  iril^  lb<k  til  risi  in  Jhe  reign  of  Oharles  ^^ 
aa^ivas  bestowed  on  the  bf^st  patriots  then  in  the  kltgdcibi.    Trot 
and  gciiliint  9^%iHif^  |liei«i^  iMiAdi^  la  a  cealout  attocbment 
to  the  liberties  of  mankind."    QldWhig. 


iQBmciinaott* 


IbrtAftlbn^  fell  In  battle  at  Zurich,  1590,^  at  tiie  iW 
iDencemeiit  of  tbe  strife  ngainst  arbitrary  pawer ;  aod 
t6#ar<is  the  dose  of  the  struggle  which  terminated  in 
the  overthrow  of  the  purest  of  the  churches,  iticUAim 
CAmron  fell  at  Airsnu^s,  1680,  while  defending  as  a 
christtan  hero,  the  religion  and  liberties  of  his  couOf* 
fry,  against  the  tyranny  of  the  bishops,  and  the  royri 
house  of  Stua#tt  > 


So  far  as  I,  too,  may  still  retain  any  fportidil  of 
the  spirit  of  -  my  native  land,  where  WaUaee  fought,^ 
where  Bwhtman  wt^Ut  where  Knox  preached  ^ift 
gospel  of  God,  wheiethe  Martyrs,  down  from  PolmAr 
HamiUmU  James  Benwick,  left  their  flesh^  to  rest 
itt  hope  of  deliverance-^that  spirit  is  opposed  to  the 
impious  misrule  of  a  corrupt  hierarchy  and  immoral 
power«  If  I  have  caught  the  spirit  of  tbis^t^  country 
of  my  choice,  it  is  in  favour  of  liberty*  *'if:  I  ^^toioi 
irplac#  among  conMstent  ProUHanis,  i  must  teti^ 
against  all  the  acts  of  antU^nristian  power.  If  1  fdt- 
low  the  steps  fHiftich  are  di«d  b^  the  blood  of  the 


x-^-^a-V- 


*  Mosbdio,  Vot  4V.  ^iljp  05^  ^ 
t  Th^re».8«ii{|  R^^rt  Marf»y,  wli^  jcat  oif  th»  |^  jind  |)aj||^  j^ 
Mr.  Camron,  and  presented  them  to  the  king's  coiiiH;!!,  "  7^«ir% 
dheheadandhands,  ioM  Uvedpre^g  ami  freadting,  and  died  pra^f^ 
a^fil^tmg-^  ^iietyramamlcoaneil*  iatherefioevientof^riiel^^ 
oideredthem  tohe  shown  |o  his  worthy  Father,  now  in,  prison.  1^ 
tlie  same  cause.  He.  was  asked  if.  be  knew  them.  The  good  niap 
took  them  in .  his  hands,  kissed  them,  and  said,  "ZJ^ji^iv  (A#i^ 
Huy  are  tngf  son%  my  dm  son's:  Good  is  the  nnUtfj^J^J,  mho 
^ntwttm-imgmtormme" 

Crookskank'e  See,  HiH,  Foi.ILp.99. 

30  ,  K 


'* 

^ 


■'H' 


'i 


■^ 


V. 


m$ 


Martyrs,  i  mdtltaise  nty  Tolei  %|(ttlh«it  11^  tkr^Mi 
wfeicb  sbecl  that  WoodJ  If  the  Bible  is  nay  system  af 
leligion,  and  of  sdcial  order,  I  fnUtsi  disclaim  attaeb- 
nientlo  those  powers  that  are  hostile  to  evdngelioiil 
doctrine,  and  to  the  righis  of  the  cfaiircb  of  God.  if, 
in  so  doing,  1  have  offended  any  of  my  bearers,  it  li 
Wirtidttt  iniendilig  it ;  for  I  watch  for  yoiir  souls,  and 
desire  to  promote  your  welfare  and  yotur  ha|^ 
piness,  . 


Ibare,  bowevei'i  in  these  discourses,  which  i  noir 
Mtig  to  a  dose,  proved  the  right,  which  christian  nlir 
nisters  possess,  of  applying  the  ebristiab  ddctribe  t^ 
man  in  his  social  as  well  as  in  his  indmduai  capacity : 
and  have  given  sufficient  evidence,  in  the  exercise  of 
this  right,  that  true  religion  is  favourable  to  the  im- 
provement and  freedom  of  mankind.  The  moral  cbji«» 
racter  of  both  the  belligerenls,  this  republic  and  the 
]^itish  monarchy,  has  been  weighed  in  the  sacred  ba- 
lance, and  the  preference  given  to  our  own  country.  I 
have  shown,  both  the  Uwfj^ness  of  wagii^  war,  and 
the  causes  which  justify  the  application  of  force  by 
one  nation  to  another.  I  have  vindicated  the  cause  of 
America  against  a  jealous  and  powerful  rival.  I  have 
e^ihibited,  fromobviqus  considerations,  and  thepredic? 
tions  of  the  word  of  God,  the  designs  of  Providence  in 
permitting  this  country  to  be  involved  in  the  bloody 
contest.  In  doing  this,  my  christian  brethren,  it  has 
been  far  from  my  thoughts  to  give  offence  to  any, 
even  the  least,  of  the  saints.  I  appeal  to  the  tenor  of 
my  ministry,  to  you  who  habitually  wait  upon  ii, 


*• 


eonvaxmon. 


m^pHm^^^fi-aettTchiDg  God,  whom  I  lerve  in  tbe 
gospe)  of  bi^  Son,  that  Ido  not  practise  upon  a  sfM, 
pf.  contempt  for  the  feelings  of  my  JfeHw-nieii,  al- 
,4hougb  I  am  accustomed  to  speak  without  the  fear 
^  man,  what  I  believe  to  be  seasonable  trutk 

I  have  indeed  spoken  what  I  felt  it  my  dutj!  Iii 
speak,  without  respect  of  persons.  Time  will  deter- 
mine whether  I  have  err^d  or  not:  And  I  leave  the 
consequences,  as  it  respects  myself  and  all  that  is  dear 
tome-as  it  respects  the  cause  (f  ^wericointbe.pre- 
fent  contest,  to  God  mv  RwKifiMsii,  to  wk^m  h  ghm 
for  ever  and  ever.-^AwiESf* 


I 


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